• Morocco: Pluralism without Power?
• Civil Society Institutionally Weak …
• … and NGOs Face Co-option
• Modernization : Women a Key Litmus
• PJD Islamists – "Morocco's Mensheviks"
• Arab NGOs – Internal Frailties, …
• … And External Obstacles

• News in Brief
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• Opportunities
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Morocco: Pluralism without Power?

While democratic hopes in the Arab world have taken a downturn (with perhaps the recent exception of Mauritania), Morocco is still cited as a state with at least some prospect of democratic reform. It has the advantage of a degree of political pluralism, a vibrant civil society, and an ostensibly progressive monarchy under a young king, Mohammed VI, apparently pursuing a strategy of incremental modernization and liberalization. Indeed, for Middle East expert Daniel Brumberg, the North African state "might be a good place to start" for the United States to "augment, or even replace, its traditional liberalizing strategy with a democratizing strategy, whose manifest goal…is to lay the foundation for an actual transition to competitive democracy."

A tradition of multipartism has allowed political opposition from both the secular Left's Socialist Union of Popular Forces, the nationalist Istiqlal and the Islamist Justice and Development party to emerge, although the former are largely top-heavy formations, entrenched in parliament and some other institutions but lacking the Islamists' social agenda and mass base, particularly among poor and marginal groups. This pluralism also facilitated the development of diverse civic, political, and cultural groups which nevertheless aspire to remain independent of government and political parties. They have contributed to the growth of "a fledgling civil society that can act as a counterweight to power and work over the long run to raise awareness of the need for change," argues Omar Bendourou, a professor at the Université Mohammed V-Souissi in Rabat, Morocco.

But democratization and openness are constrained by the existence of pronounced red lines, particularly the status and prerogatives of the extensive powers of the monarchy, enshrined in Article 19 of the Constitution. Uniquely in the Arab world, the monarch is not only head of state – "supreme representative of the nation, symbol of its unity, and guarantor of the endurance and continuity of the state" – but also "commander of the faithful", charged with keeping watch over Islam as well as the Constitution.

Similarly, argues Morocco expert Guilain Denoeux, reform could be stifled by divisions between, on the one hand, universalists ("forward-looking advocates for a more liberal and open polity…") and identity guardians (skeptical about reconciling western modernity and Moroccan 'authenticity) and, on the other, divisions within the modernist camp, over how to engage the regime, whether to engage the Islamists, and the pace of reform.

Genuine democratization is also frustrated by the pervasive influence of the makhzen – (literally, storehouse" -- the palace quarters where goods offered to or seized by the sultan's representative were kept), the tight-knit oligarchy of senior bureaucrats, advisers and courtiers who advise the monarch and largely monopolize political power. Consequently, the contemporary Moroccan state remains, at best, a neo-makhzen entity.

Yet the monarch's privileged religious status also acts as a red line against the contagion of radical Islam. Indeed, the regime claims to marry modernization with ijtihad –the independent, critical reasoning associated with Islam's Andalusian phase, as opposed to unreflective reiteration of past orthodoxy (taqlid). The "pluralistic spirit of Andalusia" is alive in Morocco, according Andre Azoulay, an adviser to King Mohammad VI, reportedly the only Jewish adviser to an Arab leader.

It is not, however, true that recently appointed women counselors are "female imams": they may only advise women and may even further marginalize women within the nation's mosques. Furthermore, the monarch's sacred status is widely disputed and modernist interpretations of Islam have little popular support. Indeed, Al Manar and Al Aqsa, the satellite TV stations of Hizbollah and Hamas respectively, peddling a blend of conservative theology and radical politics, are disturbingly popular.

Civil Society Institutionally Weak …

Electoral fraud, a compromised judiciary, feudal monarchical prerogatives, continuing human rights abuses and the pervasive influence of the makhzen remain serious constraints on liberalization prospects. Civil society's organizational resources and its domestic and international alliances may have reinforced the opposition's capacity "to act independently and to confront state actors," argues Maghreb analyst Lise Garon. But because liberties were developed without the democratic institutions that guarantee them", they remain largely collective freedoms (of parties, unions, NGOs) and the "isolated individual still does not have the citizenship status that would allow him or her to speak and act freely and openly."

Moroccan civil society is "rich and complex [but] …remains institutionally weak", especially vis-à-vis the state, reflecting the regional trend. The region's regimes consistently strive to discredit or co-opt NGOs with increasing sophistication and, as one survey confirms, freedom of association in the Arab world remains a fragile flower.

The country's NGOs may comment on public policy but "associations … which in any way pursue a political activity" are subject to special requirements. They must comprise only Moroccan citizens and can only be funded with domestically earned assets, reports the International Center for Not-for-Profit Law. The Interior Ministry enjoys the discretion to dissolve associations; the decision does not need to be in writing; and associations have no legal right of appeal. NGOs deemed "incompatible with the law or good morals or which might aim to tamper with the unity of the national soil or the royal system of government are null and void." Foreign NGOs (defined as an NGO in which half the members, or any officers, are non-Moroccan) are subject to additional regulations, and the government is allowed to object to the founding of any such foreign association.

Under the alternance system, the has regime pursued a successful strategy of co-opting the opposition, incorporating it into the political system without conceding any real power. Foreign funding has at least allowed some NGOs to escape the patronage of political institutions and of political parties all too willing to exploit NGOs' mobilizing capacities during elections while denying them genuine autonomy.

The region's authoritarian regimes have, of course, "skillfully co-opted the language of reform to consolidate their hold on power." But international efforts to promote genuine reform are plagued by political rivalries and bureaucratic duplication, not least between US and European governmental agencies, notes a recent report from the Center for Strategic and International Studies. For its part, the European Union has been content to support this strategy of incremental change rather than nudge the regime toward serious reform.

… and NGOs Face Co-option

Moroccan civil society groups tend to be suspicious of external actors and especially foreign funding, reflecting a cautious, if not conspiratorial, perspective that views external support, to quote one activist, "in the context of a Greater Middle East Project of reforms endorsed by America to reformulate the Arab region in compliance to U.S. norms and interests." Other groups draw a clear distinction between accepting funds with political strings attached and support from donors that respect their autonomy and prerogative to determine their own agenda. "We hesitated at the idea of seeking or accepting money from NED [the National Endowment for Democracy]– or any other foreign source – but we finally decided that so long as we are the ones to identify our own purposes and objectives, and the methods of work, then it was OK." That is the view of Ahmed Herzenni, a founder of the Mountada Al Mouwatana (Citizenship Forum). "If anybody accepts our independence and is still willing to help, why not?" Herzenni says. "They [NED] haven't tried to influence anything."

Civil society has taken advantage of Morocco's political opening, argues a comprehensive analysis, as a result of which a "new associational culture has emerged, determined less by political allegiances and more by common ideology and strategy." A new-found collaborative engagement of citizens and groups "marks a unique and positive rupture with past practices", suggests Canada's Centre for Human Rights and Democratic Development, but civil society associations now need to better define their relationship with the state.

But NGOs face more subtle and insidious forms of disempowerment, activists suggest. The Citizenship Forum, which runs citizenship and civil dialog programs in schools and universities, is one of some 33,000 registered NGOs, ranging from grass-roots, independent groups to "cocktail party NGOs" patronized by the elite (and often staffed by their sons and daughters). The forum is one of many NGOs which have been seduced by the regime into compromising their independence by joining state commissions, a process facilitated by what activists bemoan as a weak sense of vision and strategic mission. Many NGOs prefer to "get things done" on issues like human development by engaging directly with the palace even though many realize that in doing so they are compromising on rights-driven approaches and undermining the case for democratic processes and institutions.

Despite the constraints, Moroccan civil society enjoys more space and autonomy than their counterparts elsewhere in the Maghreb and the wider Arab world.

Modernization : Women a Key Litmus

A fifth of Morocco's people live below the poverty line and half are illiterate, while an unemployment rate of 10 percent (closer to 20 percent in cities) and widening gap between rich and poor has prompted large-scale migration to Europe. But, as one recent analysis suggests, the country has significant strengths, including a religiously tolerant culture, relatively responsive institutions, a diverse economic base, substantial remittances from migrants working abroad, and – not least - the salutary lessons from neighboring Algeria.

The modernization process has generated some reforms, including changes to the press law, minimizing fines on journalists and publishers, while limiting security services' powers of confiscation and closure; revision of the moudawwana family code, raising the minimum age of marriage, treating women more equally in custody disputes and divorce rights; and an Equity and Reconciliation Commission, addressing the human rights violations of some 13,000 victims under the former regime of Hassan II.

Yet the press remains subject to severe and arbitrary restrictions, most recently, highlighted by the "Nichane case" in which Prime Minister Driss Jettou banned the weekly magazine Nichane for reporting popular jokes about Islam, sex and politics. In another case, Aboubakr Jamai, editor of the influential Journal Hebdomadaire, was forced to resign and into exile to protect his magazine from a fine imposed after a controversial defamation suit. These episodes reflect what one watchdog calls a "troubling pattern of punitive judicial sanctions" that threatens independent media.

Similarly, even though the Islamist PJD party eventually swung behind the family code reform, supporters of the changes have been frustrated by conservative elements in the judiciary. "After the king first spoke about passing a new law in October 2003, women started appearing by themselves, without a father or other male relative, because they felt they had a kind of royal protection and could come and talk about their problems," said Zakia Mrini of the Al-Nakheel Association for Women and Children. But many conservative judges are refusing to respect the new code.

Some of the more impressive changes have come about as a result of alliances, as in the case of women's rights, especially the 2004 family code reform. Such changes resulted, says Moroccan analyst Fatima Sadiqi, from a "unique combination of activism by secular and religious women, the calculations of political parties, and the significant role of King Mohammed VI led to real progress. "Still, women's improved status and influence has been the most remarkable shift in recent years, suggests the National Democratic Institute (NDI). Some 35 women members entered Parliament after the 2002 elections which raised Morocco's ranking in female political participation from one of the worst in Africa to among the best. Women are now turning their attention to electoral reform, says a report in Asharq Al Awsat, the independent Saudi-owned newspaper. Legal and political activists are pushing for quotas to increase female participation in the forthcoming legislative elections and women's representation in the next parliament.

Furthermore, women parliamentarians make a greater contribution than most male colleagues, says NDI's Eric Duhaime. "They have a better absentee rate, work longer hours, table more proposals and are more active on the ground," he told a recent conference of Arab and North African women activists. The event was hosted by Partners in Participation, a collaboration between political and civil society groups in the region, and two Washington-based independent NGOs – NDI and the International Republican Institute (IRI).

PJD Islamists – "Morocco's Mensheviks"?

The major obstacles to democratization have been the "ideological incoherence of the prodemocracy parties and royal hesitation about democratic change," argues Moroccan political scientist Abdeslam Maghraoui. A major source of that monarchical ambivalence is the rise of the Justice and Development Party (PJD), allegedly the Mensheviks within the country's Islamist spectrum. With the PJD poised to emerge as the largest party after the September 2007 parliamentary elections, the regime is confronting an Islamist dilemma. It is a challenge shared by other Maghreb regimes in a variation of Samuel Huntington's "King's dilemma", in which rulers risk undermining their power by adopting reforms, but risk the same result by failing to do so.

On a recent visit to Washington, DC, PJD leader Saadeddine Othmani dismissed suggestions that his party was an Islamist wolf in sheep's clothing, describing it as akin to the German Christian Democrats or Turkey's ruling AKP. "Islam and democracy can go together as global principle," says vice-secretary Abdelah Baha. "Our party bases its objectives on religious principles, and then adapts them to political ends. We're like the American evangelicals."

But the PJD has its own dilemma – reconciling its new-found moderation with a conservative activist base. While Othmani presents a moderate face to the world, he is frequently embarrassed by parliamentary deputies and party activists insisting that an Islamic state remains their ultimate objective.

The regime has tolerated the PJD's rise and growing legitimacy, partly in order to cultivate a relatively moderate alternative to more radical and violent Islamist groups. But "allowing carefully monitored, government-friendly Islamist parties into the political system hasn't solved the problem," notes one observer. "Neither the Movement for the Society of Peace and the Islamic Renaissance Movement in Algeria, nor the Justice and Development Party in Morocco, have successfully diffused the power of the underground movements."

As NDI's Ken Wollack notes, it is important to differentiate between Islamist parties and the PJD projects itself as an exemplar of moderate political Islam, disavowing violence and any intention to impose Sharia law. At the World Movement for Democracy assembly in Istanbul, leading PJD deputy Lehcen Daoudi defended the PJD from vociferous attacks by Moroccan secularists. "[This election year] will be a year when the PJD is demonised," Daoudi believes. But "the PJD is a barrier against radicalization," he tells secularists. "If you crush it, it is not you who benefits, it's the others, the radicals."

Daoudi refers not only to the violent jihadists behind recent terrorist outrages, but the semi-clandestine group Justice and Charity which shares the PJD's grass-roots approach to social welfare activism, but remains committed to establishing an Islamic republic. "We undermine the system, slowly but surely," says Justice and Charity spokeswoman Nadia Yassine.

The monarchy's distinctive role as defender of the faith is already being compromised if not challenged by the widespread availability of at least five Islamist satellite TV stations. And while the king's modernizing role has endeared him to western-oriented modernizers, it has arguably undermined the quasi-sacred status of the crown. The pace and trajectory – perhaps even the continuance – of reform will in large part depend on the forthcoming elections, particularly the performance of the PJD. But the prospect remains that should the PJD's inclusion (or co-option) be rejected by either its base or elements of the makhzen should the king's religious authority be challenged, Morocco's leaders retain the option, as in 2002, "to move toward less rather than more political openness."

Arab NGOs – Internal Frailties, …

The challenges facing Moroccan NGOs illustrate the distinctive characteristics and political significance of Arab civil society. "Most Arab regimes are undemocratic, and some are totalitarian," notes Ziad Abdel Samad of the Arab NGO Network for Development. As a result, NGOs' internal shortcomings, including a poor sense of mission, inadequate access to information and weak internal governance structures, are compounded by external obstacles. "Repressive regimes, militarization, international pressures, and occupations conspire to create a response where family, clan, and tribal relations strengthen as people protect themselves," Samad argues.

The experience of Arab NGOs is a standing challenge to the prevailing orthodoxy, not least within democracy assistance that civil society serves as a conduit for articulating citizen interests, for promoting transparency and good governance, trust and other forms of social capital, for holding states accountable, and for educating and socializing their members and constituents in democratic norms and behaviors.

Some democracy promoters have questioned the salience attributed to NGOs, arguing that other actors, particularly political parties, are as vital, if not more so, in enhancing democratization and political stability. But, given the paucity of representative democratic parties and the illegitimacy of many state institutions, civil society remains a principal focus for democracy assistance in the Arab world. "The majority of [US] democracy aid for the Middle East from 1991–2001— $150 million—went to projects classified as civil society strengthening," notes regional analyst Amy Hawthorne.

…. And External Obstacles

The limitations of a civil society-driven approach in the broader Middle East are increasingly being raised by analysts and activists. The relationship of civic associations to authoritarian regimes is "dramatically different" from that between associations and democracies, argues Princeton scholar Amaney Jamal. "In authoritarian contexts, associational life cannot be expected to yield the types of democratic values and outcomes" as in Western democracies, she argues, drawing on research examining the Palestinian Authority's relations with civil society.

Authoritarian governments "intervene more directly in associational life; they promote specific agendas, fund certain programs, and monitor associational activities [and] extend their influence by promoting associational agendas that directly serve their political mandate to the detriment of the general interests of the polity and of basic democratic procedures," Jamal finds. Without viable democratic institutions that decentralize or disperse power, "the same patterns of civic engagement that pave the way to more effective democratic institutions in already democratic settings may generate attitudes and behaviors …. that either reinforce the prevailing political status quo or distance citizens from the regime in power."

Her argument finds some support from Jordanian lawyer Sa'ed Karajah who argues that Arabic language, and the region's social and cultural dynamics, define civil society in a way that differs sharply from Western meanings as, for example, "a solidarity sphere, in which a certain kind of universalizing community comes to be culturally defined and to some degree institutionally enforced." In the Arab region, he argues, echoing Samad, civil society's development is "stifled by the predominance of the rule of the state and people's loyalty to their tribes and family ties." In this respect, Arab societies have yet to undergo 18th century Europe's transition from politics dominated by the autocrat's court to a citizen-dominated "public sphere".

IN BRIEF

Le Quoc Quan
As Vietnam's crackdown on dissidents continues, a website dedicated to news and information on former Reagan-Fascell Fellow Le Quoc Quan is now up and running. Quan was arrested in early March within days of his return to Vietnam following a five-month fellowship at the National Endowment for Democracy.

The website highlights articles, alerts, letters, announcements, and other press citations of Quan, as well as general news and information on the current crackdown on human rights and democracy activists.

Solidarity with Cuba
The European Union is "willing to support change" in Cuba, said German Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier. EU relations with Cuba will be raised at the next EU Council meeting. Democracy and human rights groups have criticized Spain for renewing links to Fidel Castro's communist regime earlier this month. The EU imposed limited sanctions on Havana after 75 dissidents were incarcerated in Castro's Gulag in 2003.

Former Czech president Vaclav Havel joined calls for greater international solidarity for Cuban democrats at a recent meeting of the International Committee for Democracy in Cuba in Berlin. "Europe should catch up with the United States in its effort at human rights," Havel said. "The policy the EU pursues seems to me to be rather cautious."

"Every democratic government and every democrat should act today as if power in Cuba were going to be handed over tomorrow," Miriam Leiva, a representative of the Women in White movement wrote in a letter to participants. "We hope that this conference will help mobilize the support for the Cuban civil society throughout the entire world and to support the struggle for the release of political prisoners." The ICDC was created on Havel's initiative four years ago and its members include former U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, former Spanish PM Jose Maria Aznar and Nobel Literature Prize winner Mario Vargas Llosa.

Egypt: Labour NGO Shut Down
The international labor movement has protested Egyptian government action against the Centre for Trade Union and Worker Services (CTUWS), an independent labor rights and civil society group. In a letter sent to the authorities, the International Trade Union Confederation urges the regime to rescind the restrictions and other measures imposed on the centre.

Democracy's Social Dimension - Toledo
Former Peruvian President Alejandro Toledo was recognized for his work in defending and sustaining Latin American democracy at a recent event organized by the Council of the Americas, Foreign Policy Association, and the National Endowment for Democracy. "We see in you, a defender of democratic principles and values, and a promoter and leader in the fight against poverty," said NED president Carl Gershman. Toledo stressed the importance of ensuring democracies are underpinned by a social dimension which gives the poor a stake in the system. Watch his lecture here.

Press Russia on Rights, Germany Told
Germany should use its current European Union presidency to push China and Russia to improve individual freedoms, human rights activists said. "We believe that Germany is under performing in its role of leader in Europe in working with Russia," said Yuri Dzhibladze, the head of the Centre for the Development of Democracy and Human Rights.

"European countries ought to stand up for Russian civil society, but Germany should be leading the way," said Tanya Lokshina of the DEMOS Centre for Information and Research. "Speaking out on human rights in Russia won't threaten Europe's energy supply but it would really help to curb the government's crackdown," said Oleg Orlov, the head of Memorial, a leading Russian human rights group. "Russian civil society is under attack and we need Germany to speak up."

RESOURCES

Journal of Democracy
The latest issue of the Journal of Democracy includes articles on "The 2006 Freedom House Survey: The Pushback against Democracy," by Arch Puddington; Toward Muslim Democracies, by Saad Eddin Ibrahim; and Venezuela's Opposition, by Javier Corrales and Michael Penfold. Four further articles from the issue are freely available online: India's Unlikely Democracy: The Rise of Judicial Sovereignty, by Pratap Bhanu Mehta; Battling KGB, Inc., by Garry Kasparov; After the Leviathan, by Leon Aron; and Putin's Invented Opposition, by Stephen Sestanovich. For more information, visit the Journal of Democracy online (www.journalofdemocracy.org) or e-mail jod@ned.org

NED Strategy
The National Endowment for Democracy's 2007 Strategy Document outlines the organization's perspectives and priorities, including an assessment of current obstacles to democracy and democracy promotion efforts.

Democracy that Delivers
In many countries where democracy has made inroads and elections have been held, the majority of the population has yet to experience tangible improvements in their lives. When even voters in consolidated democracies appear susceptible to populist and authoritarian appeals, better governance is essential for sustaining freedom, argues a new paper from the Center for International Private Enterprise. "Helping Build Democracy that Delivers" addresses the relationship between economic and political freedoms. It argues that while elections provide a basis for popular representation, a functional, responsive government is a sine qua non for improving people's lives.

APPEAL

Appeal: Center for the Study of Islam & Democracy
Due to funding shortfalls, the Center for the Study of Islam and Democracy is facing financial difficulties and needs your help and support. Their laudable work promoting dialogue and improved relations between the U.S. and the Muslim world, promoting human rights and democracy in Arab/Muslim countries, and encouraging the development of a moderate and modern interpretation of Islam is now more critical than ever.

CSID has "played a critical role in setting out a vision of a Muslim world that would be modern and democratic, in promoting debate about the political development of the Middle East, and in promoting better appreciation of Islam at a time when distrust and misunderstanding are rampant," says NED board member Francis Fukuyama. "CSID is instrumental in contextualizing democracy in Muslim societies by underscoring the areas where Islam values and democratic principles meet," says Emad El-Din Shahin, Visiting Professor, Harvard University. "CSID's role in the US is equally important in presenting the moderate, tolerant and pluralistic nature of Islam." says the Council on Foreign Relations' Vali Nasr "There are few issues of greater concern to the future of the Muslim world than the prospects for democracy." David French, Chief Executive of the Westminster Foundation for Democracy, agrees. He believes CSID provides a "valuable source of discussion and debate on issues which are crucial to the world we live in today, and engages a wide range of authoritative views in the process." Similarly, Lorne Craner, president of the International Republican Institute, suggests "Dr. Masmoudi and his team at CSID are doing extremely important work to lay the foundation for the spread of democracy in the Muslim world."

For further testimonials from well known leaders and scholars on the value of the mission, activities, and achievements of CSID, please go (What do they say about CSID?) here or go to Why CSID Needs & Deserves Your Support. To donate online, click here.

OPPORTUNITIES

Call for Nominations - Asia Democracy & Human Rights Award
The Taiwan Foundation for Democracy is accepting nominations for the second annual Asia Democracy & Human Rights Award. The TFD confers the award each year on one individual or institution that has demonstrated long-term commitment to and outstanding leadership in advancing democracy or advocating human rights through peaceful means in the region. The 2006 award want to Reporters without Borders (Reporters sans frontières or RSF) for its efforts to defend press freedom in the Asian region.

The award consists of a grant of US$100,000 to support the ongoing work of the laureate and his or her organization, as well as an award sculpture. Nominations are open to the public, effective immediately. Nominations should be made by at least two credible international democracy or human rights organizations or individuals and submitted no later than 30 June. The complete rules for the Award process, as well as nomination forms, are available for download on the TFD's website, Contact Kiel Downey, TFD +886-2-2708-0100, ext. 211, kiel@taiwandemocracy.org.tw

CIPE Essay Contest: Engaging Youth in Reform
What needs to be done to develop a sense of citizenship in young people and help them find their role in a democratic society? How can a country reform the educational system to give young people the right skills and opportunities to enter the workforce? What needs to be done to provide youth with the opportunity to become entrepreneurs and/or leaders in their communities?

Young people can be a powerful force for change but often lack the voice to bring these ideas to policymakers. The Center for International Private Enterprise essay contest provides opportunity to share ideas about citizenship, democratic and market-oriented reform, youth leadership, and the ways that your country can create avenues for youth to participate in the political and economic spheres.

A $1,000 honorarium will be given for each winning essay. All essays must be written in English. All essays must be original and unpublished. Joint entries are not permitted. Word count: 2,000-4,000. All essays must be submitted by May 31, 2007. E-mail a copy of the essay as a .pdf file or MS Word document to essay@cipe.org. An e-mail will be sent confirming receipt of the submission. Visit the essay contest website here.

Program Assistant – Middle East & North Africa, National Endowment for Democracy
The NED seeks a program assistant to work with its MENA team. Amongst other duties, the successful candidate will be expected to execute and coordinate all aspects of grant proposal scheduling and processing to facilitate the efficient review and approval of grants at quarterly Board or Director's meetings; establish and communicate schedules for proposal reviews to insure adequate preparation time; facilitate coordination between NED Institutes and NED staff.

Associate's degree level of knowledge and the equivalent of 3 years of administrative support experience, MS Office competence, and strong administrative and organizational skills required. Language skill in Arabic or Farsi required. Skill in both languages desired. Email resume and cover letter to jobs@ned.org. Please use "MENA Prog. Asst." for the subject line of your email.

Associate Editor, Journal of Democracy
The Journal of Democracy seeks an associate editor. Amongst other duties, the successful candidate will be expected to oversee and edit the "Back of the Book" section of the Journal; edit and proofread book manuscripts; supervise the recruitment and work of interns; and handle various other editorial tasks. Edit selected manuscripts for publication in the Journal of Democracy, resulting in fluently written, logically coherent, and factually correct articles which will appeal to the general reader, scholars, specialists, and democratic practitioners.

Knowledge and Skill Level Requirements: bachelor's degree and the equivalent of at least 3 years of editorial experience is required; superior command of the English language; and background knowledge of international relations, political science, and current events. Cover letters and resumes are currently being accepted. Finalists will be contacted for interviews in the June timeframe. To apply, email cover letter and resume to jobs@ned.org. Please place the position title, Associate Editor/JOD in the subject line of your email.

Various Vacancies: National Democratic Institute
The National Democratic Institute is recruiting for several international and domestic vacancies. For further details Phone: 202-728-5500 Email: HR@ndi.org. Apply online.

The International Republican Institute
Vacancies for various full-time positions: If you are interested in employment opportunities, please click on the links above to read the job description for available positions. Please e-mail your resume to personnel@iri.org and reference the specific opportunity you are interested in. IRI does not accept unsolicited resumes. To view IRI benefits, please click here.

Program Associate: Foundation for the Future, Washington, DC
The Foundation for the Future, an independent not for profit grant-making foundation that supports civil society organizations in their efforts to foster democracy and freedom in the broader Middle East and North Africa (BMENA) seeks a Program Associate for its DC office. The primary purpose of the Foundation's Washington, DC office is to serve as a base for US government relations, while an office in the region of interest will serve as the operational headquarters. However, in the early stages of the Foundation's operations, the DC office will effectively be the primary base of operations. Under the supervision of the Executive Director/Acting President and in coordination with the DC office Accountant, the Program Associate of the DC office will ensure that the Foundation is equipped to begin operations, including grant making.

Please send cover letter and resume to info@foundationforfuture.org

Senior Researcher for China, Freedom House
Freedom House seeks a Senior Researcher for China, a new Washington DC based position reporting to the Director of Research. The Senior Researcher will be responsible for designing and conducting in-depth studies on issues of good governance and rule of law in China, writing press releases and op-eds to advocate for reform, contributing to the design of programs to promote transparency and accountability in Chinese state institutions and to strengthen the rule of law. Please send cover letter and resume by email or fax to: Jeffrey Mosser, Human Resources Director, humanresources@freedomhouse.org Fax: (202) 822-3893 Applications will be accepted until the position is filled. Interested candidates must submit a cover letter, resume, and salary requirements. If any candidate does not have all required information, he or she will not be considered. Candidates are also requested to state where they viewed the job advertisement in their applications.

Senior Associate, Carnegie Middle East Center (Beirut)
The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace has opened a new office, the Carnegie Middle East Center, in Beirut. The opening of the Middle East Center is part of the Carnegie Endowment's unfolding strategy of establishing itself as a global think tank, with centers in Moscow, Beijing, Beirut and Brussels in addition to its headquarters in Washington DC. The Middle East Center carries out policy-related research on political and economic change in the Arab world and is developing an active meetings and publications program in both Arabic and English.

The Center is seeking an innovative, energetic policy-oriented senior associate to do research, writing, and policy outreach on Arab politics. The candidate must have a Ph.D., significant record of publications and accomplishment as a policy researcher and writer, and a proven commitment to high-quality, non-partisan research and informed policy debate. Specialization on the Gulf region or the Maghreb is preferred. Fluent oral and written Arabic and English are required.

Send a letter of interest and resume/cv to: Human Resources-BEIRUT-ASSOC, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, via e-mail, HR@CarnegieEndowment.org, or fax, (202) 939-2392. EOE.

Senior Associate, Middle East Program (Washington)
The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace seeks a dynamic, highly accomplished senior specialist in Middle East security issues to join its influential, growing Middle East Program. The senior associate will be based in Washington, DC, but will have the opportunity to work directly with the newly established Carnegie Middle East Center in Beirut.

The new senior associate will help broaden the work of the Middle East Program beyond its strong focus on the challenges of political reform in the Arab world to regional security issues, with particular emphasis on the complex interrelationships between existing and potential conflicts in the region on the one hand and national-level political processes on the other.

Candidates should have a Ph.D. or the equivalent level professional degree, a minimum of ten years professional experience beyond the degree, a distinguished record of publications or significant policy experience, and knowledge of Arabic. Send resume and salary requirements to: Human Resources-SA Middle East, Carnegie Endowment. HR@CarnegieEndowment.org or FAX to (202) 939-2392.

Assistant Editor, Arab Reform Bulletin (Washington, DC.)
The Middle East program at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace is seeking an assistant editor for the Arab Reform Bulletin , a monthly on-line journal. Candidates must have extensive knowledge of current political developments in the Arab world, familiarity with relevant research methods and sources, writing and editing experience, and excellent organizational skills. The candidate must read, write, and speak Arabic and English fluently. The assistant editor will work closely with the editor and other senior research members of the Middle East program. Master of Arts degree required. Send resume and salary history/requirements to: Human Resources-AE-ARB, Carnegie Endowment, 1779 Massachusetts Avenue, NW, Washington, DC 20036 or fax to: (202) 939-2392 or e-mail to HR@CarnegieEndowment.org.

Research Assistant in Arab Politics (Washington, DC.)
The Middle East program at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace is seeking a research assistant in Arab politics. Candidate should have knowledge of current political developments in the Arab world and familiarity with relevant research methods and sources. The candidate must speak Arabic fluently and read with ease Arabic sources, including scanning several newspapers daily for relevant information. The research assistant will work closely with senior research members of the Middle East program. Bachelor's degree required; Master of Arts optional. To apply, please send a letter of interest and resume to: Human Resources–RA-AP, 1779 Massachusetts Avenue NW, Washington DC 20036. Fax: 202-939-2377. E-mail: HR@CarnegieEndowment.org.

EVENTS

May 3. Free to Speak: Trends in Press Freedom in the Middle East. 10:00-11:30am. National Press Club, 529 14th St. NW, 13th Floor. On Press Freedom Day 2007, Freedom House will release its findings on freedom of the press in the Middle East. This discussion will focus on the main trends in the region that affect journalists and new media, as well as the legal environment in which reporters operate. Panelists: Karin Karlekar, Senior Researcher and Managing Editor, Freedom of the Press 2007; Aboubakr Jamai, Former Publisher, Le Journal Hebdomadaire; Hisham Melhem, Bureau Chief, Al-Arabiya; Wael Abbas, Egyptian blogger; Richard Eisendorf, Senior Program Manager, Freedom House. RSVP to abrams@freedomhouse.org.

May 3 The U.N. Human Rights Council: Success or Failure - An Assessment of the First Year. 11:00 a.m. - 12:30 p.m. Mark Lagon, Deputy Assistant Secretary for International Organization Affairs, U.S. Department of State; Leonard A. Leo, Executive Vice President, The Federalist Society; Elisa Massimino, Washington Director, Human Rights First; Hillel Neuer, Executive Director, UN Watch; Ted Piccone, Executive Director, Democracy Coalition Project; Brett D. Schaefer, Fellow International Regulatory Affairs, Heritage Foundation. RSVP here.

May 3. Civil War and Genocide in Darfur: Chinese and Saharan Dimensions. 1:00 3:00 p.m. Twelfth Floor, AEI, 1150 Seventeenth Street, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036. Mia Farrow, UNICEF goodwill ambassador; Alex de Waal, Harvard University and the Social Science Research Council; Reni Lemarchand, University of Florida; Louisa Lombard, Duke University; and James C. Swan, U.S. Department of State will discuss these and other topics at this AEI event. AEI's Mauro De Lorenzo will moderate. Despite sustained diplomatic attention from the United States, the African Union, the United Nations, and other actors, the civil war and genocide in Darfur show no sign of abating. A successful political solution to the crisis in Darfur will likely have to take rebel movements in Chad and the Central African Republic into account, and address attempts at mutual destabilization by Sudan and Chad. Please register here.

May 5. China's Cultural Revolution and Beyond. Wei Jingsheng, author of "The Courage To Stand Alone -- Letters from Prison and Other Writings". 9:45 a.m. - 11:00 a.m. National Constitution Center, 525 Arch Street, Independence Mall, Philadelphia. Foreign Policy Research Institute, lux@fpri.org. Contact Alan Luxenberg at lux@fpri.org or call 215 732 3774, ext. 105. Free and Open to the Public but Reservations required.

May 7. "The New Face of Poland: The Kaczynski Government, the EU, and Transatlantic Relations", Eugeniusz Smolar, President, Center for International Relations, Warsaw. The Center for Transatlantic Relations, Johns Hopkins University, EU Center of Excellence, Washington D.C. and Center for European Policy Analysis. 10:30 AM – 12:00 PM, Room 500, 1717 Massachusetts Avenue, NW Washington, DC. Eugeniusz Smolar is a distinguished journalist and media manager. His studies of Political Economy at Warsaw University were interrupted by imprisonment in 1968 as a result of his participation in student protests in March and in protests against the Warsaw Pact armies' invasion of Czechoslovakia in August. Following his release from jail, he emigrated to Sweden in 1970 and completed his studies at the Sociology Faculty at Uppsala University. In 1975 he joined the BBC World Service as a journalist working in the Polish Section. Mr. Smolar was active in helping the Workers' Defense Committee (KOR) and other democratic opposition groups in Poland, including the Solidarity Trade Union, as well as underground publications. He was the co-founder of the émigré political quarterly "Aneks" (1973-1990). Following his return to Poland in 1997, Mr. Smolar became a member of the Management Board of Polskie Radio S.A. (public radio). He was co-organizer of the 25th anniversary celebrations of the Solidarity Trade-Union (August 2005) and program director of the international conference "From Solidarnosc to Freedom." RSVP to Kasia Podbielski at info@cepa.org (Please put *May 7* in the subject line) or call 202-551-9200.

May 8. "The French Presidential Elections: Implications for Foreign and Defense Policy". 9:30 a.m.-11:00 a.m. Center for Transatlantic Relations, Johns Hopkins University. Jean-Luc Marret, Research Fellow, Fondation pour la Recherche Stratégique ; Leo Michel, Institute for National Security Studies, National Defense University; Esther Brimmer, Deputy Director and Director of Research, Center for Transatlantic Relations, The Johns Hopkins University. 5th Floor Conference Room, The Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies, The Johns Hopkins University, 1717 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036. RSVP to Gretchen Demian at transatlanticRSVP@jhu.edu. (Please put *May 8* in the Subject line) or call 202-663-5730.

May 10. "A Conversation with Michael Leigh on EU Enlargement" 12:15 - 1:45 pm, Room 500, Johns Hopkins University, 1717 Massachusetts Avenue, NW Washington, DC. Michael Leigh is the European Commission Director-General for Enlargement. He is also a SAIS Bologna professor and has written for publications of the Center for Transatlantic Relations. Previously, he has in served senior-level positions such as Deputy Director-General, Directorate-General External Relations, responsible for European Neighborhood Policy, relations with Eastern Europe, Southern Caucasus and Central Asia, Middle East and South Mediterranean; Director, Directorate-General Enlargement, Turkey, Cyprus, Bulgaria, Malta, Romania; and Director (1999), Negotiator for the Czech Republic, Task Force for the Accession Negotiations. RSVP to Gretchen Demian at transatlanticRSVP@jhu.edu. (Please put *May 10* in the Subject line) or call 202-663-5730.

May 11, 2007, 13th Anniversary of Vietnam Human Rights Day. 10:30 am to 1pm, Dirksen Senate Office Building, Room G50, Washington, DC. Reception following the program from 1pm to 1:30 pm. Theme for this year: "Freedom for all political prisoners in Vietnam". Hosted by Senator James Webb, Virginia. Meeting to mark the anniversary of House-Senate Joint Resolution SJ-168 designating May 11 as Vietnam Human Rights Day. For further details, contact Nathalie Nguyen at (703) 606-6444 or go here.

30 May 2007. 'Solidarity and Rights: The Euston Manifesto one year on'. 2.00 pm - 9.30 pm. The Euston Manifesto Group will stage a one-day conference at the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London. The event, hosted with the help of the SOAS Centre for Jewish Studies, takes place in the Khalili Lecture Theatre, Thornhaugh Street, Russell Square, London WC1H OXG. Each session will begin with the presentation of a short paper, which will be followed by open (chaired) discussion. 14.00 - 15.00: Norman Geras, University of Manchester, 'Deficits of International Law'. 15.00 - 15.30: Break. 15.30 - 16.30: Shalom Lappin, King's College London, 'Multiculturalism and Democracy'. 16.30 - 17.00: Break. 17.00 - 18.00: Fred Halliday, London School of Economics, 'Solidarities Simple and Complex'. 18.00 - 19.00: Break for dinner. 19.00 - 20.00: Eve Garrard, Keele University, 'The Academic Boycott: Justifications, Objections, Explanations'. 20.00 - 20.15: Break. 20.15 - 21.30: Michael Walzer, Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton, 'Terrorism and Just War'. For tickets, email conference@eustonmanifesto.org. Tickets are 5.50 GBP (plus donation at your discretion). You can pay by PayPal here or by cheque made payable to 'Euston Manifesto Group'.