• Arab Democrats – Doing it For Themselves?
• The Truth About Syria – a Case Study in Dictatorship
• Baathist Clampdown on Dissent
• Engagement – at What Cost to Region's Democrats?
• Divided Opposition vs. Ruthless Regime = No Contest
• Putin, Lone Democrat, Puts the Mock in Democracy
• "Myth of Islamist Threat" Defers Pakistan's Democracy
• Social Democracy the Antidote to "Tropical Mussolinis"

• News in Brief
• Resources
• Opportunities
• Events

Arab Democrats – Doing it For Themselves?

Forty years' after the war of 1967 exposed the true nature of regimes whose dubious legitimacy rested on their hostility to Israel, a new Arab Foundation for Democracy is on the way. Supported by Qatar's absolute monarchy, the foundation will nevertheless aim to encourage the region's rulers to "adopt democratic culture", a worthy aspiration given the evidence that Arab regimes' penchant for pseudo-democratic elections is feeding skepticism about democracy.

The foundation, announced at an Arab democracy forum attended by several hundred delegates from across the region, will be the "biggest civil organisation in the Arab world that supports democracy," said Saad Eddin Ibrahim, the Egyptian academic and activist, who will join the foundation's board along with Sadiq Al Mahdi, former Sudanese prime minister, former German foreign minister Joschka Fischer, Canada's former prime minister Kim Campbell, Emma Bonino, Italy's European affairs minister, and Ali Fakhroo, Bahrain's former minister of education.

While the region's democratic deficit has prompted a range of governmental and civil society initiatives, they have been primarily externally-driven. Local activists have also expressed frustration that the West continues to deal with the region's dictators, apparently contradicting their own rhetoric.

"Under no circumstances," said secretary of state Condoleezza Rice would the president or administration "turn its back on … the essential fact about the Middle East, which is that without reform and democratization you're going to have a false stability which will continue to give rise to extremism." The fact that regional security and other imperatives necessarily temper such good intentions is scant consolation to those Arab democrats who question the West's commitment to supporting Arab democrats and fear that the era of optimism for democracy in the Middle East has ended.

The rationale for the new foundation appears to be that perhaps an "Arab-formulated, -funded, and -managed process" may help spur what one commentator calls the "impressive -- even heroic …. But powerless Arabs [who] believe deep in their bones that democracy will spur the sensible and stable statehood that has been such an elusive goal."

The former Mauritanian president Ali Mohamed Ould Val and former Sudan president Abdul Rahman Sewar el-Dahab addressed the inaugural session as rare examples of Arab leaders who "gave up power willingly". The forum urged Arab regimes to expand political participation, enhance the role of civil society groups by securing a suitable legal framework and to meet international standards on free and independent media. Participants stressed the importance of an independent judiciary for curbing arbitrary rule and establishing good governance.

Egyptian dissident Ibrahim reminded delegates that the Arab world took part in the first three global "democratic waves". He remains guardedly optimistic about the region's democratic prospects. "In the medium and long run, the region is discovering very slowly that democracy is a solution," he says. He cites the silent majority potential constituency for liberal-democracy, including Egypt's new "very exciting" Democratic Front Party that could fill the vacuum left by the incarceration of Ayman Nour and the suppression of his al-Ghad party. This may go some small way to addressing a fundamental problem described by the National Endowment for Democracy’s Carl Gershman: "Liberal reformers occupy a narrow political space between authoritarian regimes and Islamist opposition movements, both of which benefit from their mutual antagonism at the expense of the small democratic center."

The forum's closing statement insisted that reform in the Arab world must be an "internal matter that is based on national consensus." Surveys of Arab opinion suggest skepticism towards externally-driven democracy promotion although there is widespread support for democratic values and a demand for assistance in capacity-building, expanding employment, and improving health care and education."

The Qatar emir's commitment to democratic reform prompted a few quizzically raised eyebrows. The region's regimes have a notoriously dubious commitment to political reform. But the alternative, according to a recent analysis of Arab economies, is "a vicious circle in which impoverishment, discontent, militancy, and repression feed upon one another, deterring reform and impeding growth."

Syria is "a terrific case study of how Arab dictatorships work – and why they stay in power," argues Barry Rubin, author of an insightful analysis outlining The Truth About Syria. Yet the Baathist regime continues to defy confident predictions of its demise.

The Ba'athists are proven masters of a strategy commonly practiced by the region's ruling cliques: flirting with radical Islamists while suppressing liberals and democrats, and using the pretext of conflict with Israel to justify internal repression. "The regime has given unprecedented leeway for opening mosques, setting up Islamic-favored institutions and preaching fiery sermons as long as they are not directed at Bashar," notes Rubin. Similarly, public attention is deflected from the dysfunctional state and flaccid economy, he notes, as "the great excuse, the external enemy, is used to justify a system that is ineffective except to fulfill an elite's greed and self-interest."

The Truth About Syria – a Case Study in Dictatorship

The U.N. Security Council's vote last week to set up a special court to prosecute the killing of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik al-Hariri took some of the shine off Syria's recent diplomatic gains and president Bashar al-Assad's re-election – unopposed – to second seven-year term in office. But the ruling Baathists have consolidated their grip, imprisoning leading dissidents and demonstrating their ability to foment violence and instability in neighboring states.

The Hariri tribunal poses an existential threat to the Syrian regime while subsequent sanctions would heavily impact the "stable but stagnant" economy and undermine the pace and sustainability of recent reforms. Furthermore, the presidential election results, like the similarly Stalinesque parliamentary polls, only served, as The Economist notes, to "strain credulity and suggest that the confident façade presented by the 41-year-old inheritor of his father's dictatorship disguises a more anxious reality."

While fraudulent, the recent elections are significant, says analyst David Schenker, as a bellwether of the regime's repressive nature, but also because they highlight the problems of pressuring Damascus to modify its "pernicious domestic and foreign policies". Almost none of the Bush administration's pledged $5 million funding for Syrian reformers has been disbursed, in part because civil society groups have been understandably loath to accept official US funds, fearing persecution and undermined credibility at home. He cautions against giving up on Syria's democratic opposition. "While democracy hasn't always been a winning issue," he concedes, "it does resonate with some of our European allies who are currently weighing a rapprochement with Syria."

Baathist Clampdown on Dissent

The regime last faced such international pressure in 2005 when UN investigator Detlev Mehlis implicated senior officials close to Assad in the assassination of Hariri. That proved the catalyst for unity efforts by Syria's fractured opposition when liberal democrats joined with leftists, Islamists and Kurds in signing the Damascus Declaration for Democratic and National Change in October 2005 which called on democratic forces, including reformist "people of the regime," to undertake "a salvation task of change that takes the country from being a security state to a civil state." Signatories rejected "change coming from the outside" but promise "to do whatever is necessary to launch a process of democratic change." Syrian democrats and intellectuals also joined their Lebanese counterparts in a subsequent Beirut-Damascus Declaration, following Lebanon's Cedar Revolution, in May 2006.

But Damascus has acted to pre-empt an upsurge of dissent this time. The regime recently imprisoned several leading Syrian democracy and human rights activists, including Mahmoud Issa, Fayek El Mir, Aref Dalila, Kamal al Labwani, Anwar al Bunni, Michel Kilo, Suleiman Al-Shamar and Khalil Hussein "for exercising their democratic rights and engaging in peaceful activities". "It was a message to the entire opposition movement: pursue democracy, get punished," said Razan Zaitouneh, a lawyer for Bunni.

The European Parliament expressed deep concern at the prosecutions and called on the European Union "to provide all necessary support to Syrian civil society activists through the European Neighbourhood and Partnership and the newly adopted European Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights," including by implementing the ad hoc measures dedicated to human rights defenders, allowing for assistance independent from the consent of third country governments and authorities.

Engagement – at What Cost to Region's Democrats?

"A great deal of intelligence can be invested in ignorance when the need for illusion is deep," wrote Saul Bellow.

Few observers still give credence to the view propounded at the time of his accession that Bashar represents a modernizing alternative faction to a repressive Old Guard. Even when he was being touted as a reformer, Bashar was unashamedly illiberal, conceding that "the development of civil society institutions is not one of my priorities." His admission is cited by Rubin who observes that, nevertheless, "Hinting that Bashar really yearns to be a moderate and man of peace touches the hearts of a seemingly endless supply of gullible Western politicians, journalists and 'experts'" advocating engagement with the Baathist regime.

But any such rapprochment with Syria should occur within a "regional framework for democracy promotion and respect for human rights that honors countries' obligations to UN principles and resolutions," argues Syrian dissident, Ammar Abdulhamid, founder of the reformist Tharwa Foundation. "Unless the United States adheres to these principles, it risks turning its back on the pro-democratic forces in the region."

Such forces include the state of Lebanon. One realist advocate of rapprochement with Syria claims that the Cedar Revolution has been "romanticized". Indeed, the promise of those days has not come to fruition, in part because of the machinations of Syria, Iran and their Hezbollah allies. But, notes the Beirut Daily Star's Michael Young, the Cedar mobilization remains a novelty in a region where for the first time popular discontent forced security chiefs out of office. "Place that against the grim order the Syrians and their Lebanese allies, notably the theocratic, authoritarian Hezbollah, seek to resurrect," he says.

In the Middle East, everything has been tried except freedom. Yet there is no shortage of "realists" who argue that naive efforts to promote democracy in the Arab world have been predictably stillborn and that diplomatic or military imperatives require a reversion to the pre-9/11 orthodoxy of dealing with dictators. Young cautions against a grand bargain with the region's worst regimes that undermines the region's democratic and liberal forces. "Many in the West want to close the door on an Arab world that seems permanently overcome by its pathologies," he notes. "Fine, but in abandoning a weak but genuine liberal system [in Lebanon] they are also abandoning a part of themselves."

Divided Opposition vs. Ruthless Regime = No Contest

Even before the recent clampdown, the challenges facing Syria's divided opposition were considerable, according to a new analysis. After Bashar assumed office in 2000, a short-lived Damascus Spring saw the flowering of civil society groups and discussion forums. "Not since the 1950s had Syria seen such civil activism and calls for domestic change," says Washington Institute analyst Seth Wikas.

The Ba'ath party subsequently succeeded in closing the political space civil society groups briefly enjoyed. It has "stepped up its co-option of Islamist elements to prevent a grassroots religious backlash", argues Wikas, with the result that "the only true organized opposition to the regime is a secular patchwork of civil society groups, human rights organizations, political parties and individual activists." But, he argues, this opposition has failed to emerge as a serious force for several reasons.

Aside from outright repression (the London-based Syrian Human Rights Committee estimates some 4,000 political prisoners are currently detained), the regime increasingly employs administrative or quasi-legal means to frustrate democratic groups by, for example, denying requests for licenses. The short-lived Atassi Forum had its application for a license rejected alongside other groups deemed "unqualified" by the Ministry of Social and Labor Affairs. Anwar al Bunni, one of the recently imprisoned activists, opened Syria's first human rights center in March 2006, using EU funds, to offer human rights training and legal advice. The authorities shut it down after barely two weeks on the grounds that it was unlicensed.

Aside from the ubiquitous and powerful security apparatus, dissidents' focus on political reform limited the relevance of their message for ordinary Syrians facing acute economic hardship. Divisions between Arab and Kurdish groups are compounded by an inability to attract youth to the ranks of veteran dissidents and the regime's success in dividing the opposition through co-option, intimidation and isolation.

Kamal al Labwani, now languishing in prison, met with administration officials in Washington, DC, but he is pessimistic about prospects for external support, at least through official government channels. The group charged with the civil society and opposition file at the US embassy in Damascus is "extremely weak," he claims. "They have demonstrated no willingness to coordinate or cooperate with the elements of civil society."

A new information portal for the disparate Syrian opposition is a positive step. But, argues Seth Wikas, the US and other Western powers should take concrete steps to support the country's democratic forces through, for instance, better training and longer terms of service for Foreign Service Officers; cooperation between US and European governments and foundations; and technical assistance, particularly on teleconferencing and other forms of communication.

"Unless a concerted process to replace the regime in Damascus is implemented, the Iranian-Syrian-Hezbollah axis will remain a serious thorn" in the side of moderate forces, the Beirut Daily Star's Young argues, rejecting the prospect of a worse alternative. "Islamists won't necessarily take over in Syria," he believes. The society is complex, the merchant class is probably willing to back a credible alternative, and the Assads are discredited.

Putin, Lone Democrat, Puts the Mock in Democracy

"I am an absolutely true democrat," Russian President Vladimir Putin told Der Spiegel on the eve of this week's G8 summit. "The tragedy is that I am alone. There are no such other democrats in the world." His statement suggests either a dark sense of humor or nostalgia for the days when the Kremlin would extol the superiority of the socialist people's democracies.

In any case, Moscow appears confident that neither Europe nor the US agree – either internally or with each other – on how to address Russia's growing authoritarianism and aggressive international posturing. While some commentators blame Western "hawks" for provoking Russia, others demur. "It is just the opposite. Russia's policy is hardening, says Glen Howard of the Washington-based Jamestown security think-tank."

Currently, neither the US nor the EU have much leverage. The EU is dependent on Russian energy and, like the US, needs the Kremlin's support as a permanent member of the UN Security Council on issues like the status of Kosovo. Another factor is the "increasingly clear dichotomy" between political and business imperatives, says Michael Emerson of the Brussels-based Center for European Policy Studies. "The business is bound to go on, the oil [and] gas exports and Russia's imports [from the EU] out of their earnings are growing at a fantastic rate. There is big business on both sides and nobody wants to stop that".

The emancipation of Russia and its descent back into authoritarianism are both part of Boris Yeltsin's legacy, argues the Hudson Institute's David Satter. Former world chess champion and opposition activist Garry Kasparov agrees. But, bucking the received wisdom that authoritarian rule is consolidating, he insists Putin's succession will provoke a split within a ruling elite obsessed with material riches rather than ideological motives or geo-strategic ambition (such as aspirations to be the pivot of a Europe with two centers, Western and Eastern.) "For many, Kasparov claims, the option of working with us to establish democratic institutions may be the best way out, at least to ensure their own continued prosperity."

Kasparov is a leader of Other Russia, a broad non-ideological coalition of opposition groups and activists aiming, he says, to mobilize the "millions like me in Russia who want a free press, the rule of law, social justice and free and fair elections." Other Russia's recent mobilizations in Moscow, Nizhny Novgorod and St Petersburg were broken up or disrupted by security forces. Independent media, journalists and NGOs have also faced increasing harassment. In April, Interior Ministry police confiscated financial records from the U.S.-based Internews NGO, which trains journalists and develops independent media. Internews has since been forced to close its Moscow office. The Kremlin has also mobilized Nashi , a neo-Komsomol youth movement of some 100,000 young ideologues. The group's recently-disclosed manifesto is a troubling blend of neo-fascism and warmed-up communism.

"Clearly, they are fearful of the growing dissent," argues opposition activist Oksana Chelysheva. While Putin is personally popular, polls suggest some 53 percent of Russians disapprove of the government, prompting suggestions that there is a "controlled instability" to Putin's regime. The government has not used huge energy revenues to invest in a crumbling infrastructure, economic modernization, human capital and social services and nearly 30 percent of the population still lives under the World Bank poverty line. "Behind the façade of 'managed democracy,'" one analysis suggests, "there's a brewing discontent that some experts warn could turn ugly under the right conditions—say, a sudden drop in oil revenues."

"Myth of Islamist Threat" Defers Pakistan's Democracy

As Pakistani democrats mobilize against President General Pervez Musharraf, a nation-wide democracy movement could end military rule by October's elections. It is vital, argues, Manjeet Kripalani, a fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, that the US recognize this as "a legitimate and broad-based secular democracy movement." After all, she asks, isn't this what the West wants for the Muslim world?

With an ongoing judicial crisis and both presidential and parliamentary elections due in late 2007 or early 2008, Musharraf is facing his most serious challenge since seizing power in an October 1999 coup. The recent ouster of the country's independent-minded chief justice, who would have overseen the upcoming elections, has brought normally sober black-suited lawyers into the street, leading violent protests in Islamabad, Lahore and other cities. The agitation has fed speculation that the marginalized political parties, including the Pakistan People's Party (PPP) of former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif's Muslim League, are poised for a comeback.

The media and judiciary have turned against Musharraf while the US Congress, alarmed at his regime's human rights record and intelligence services' complicity with radical Islamists, has placed new restrictive criteria on US aid. But Pakistan's most powerful institution – the military – remains solidly supportive of its president, arguing that Musharraf represents a bulwark against radical Islamism. The military, according to many Pakistan watchers, has been the principal purveyor of the myth of an Islamist peril, cultivating and manipulating religious militants to achieve its objectives, domestically and abroad. "The army created a political vacuum in which extremism has thrived," argues Ahmed Rashid, a journalist author of "Taliban" and "Jihad: The Rise of Militant Islam in Central Asia." "Pakistan needs a return to civil society and government," he says.

While Pakistan's military dominates the state, it is subject to growing demands for transparency and accountability in what Transparency International deems one of the world's most corrupt states. "The longer the democratic transition is delayed, the more likely it is that the military's domestic and external priorities will further weaken a fragile state," argues the International Crisis Group's Samina Ahmed. Pakistan's civil society is playing its part but cannot offset the pernicious effects of the ruling mullah-military alliance. If Pakistan fails to build a "more participatory, representative and accountable democracy" by permitting the return of exiled party leaders and ensuring free and fair elections, it will remain "a perilous entity: a dysfunctional state with nuclear weapons." Given the country's dependence on foreign aid, the international community has both an opportunity and responsibility, says analyst Aqil Shah, to play an "instrumental role in influencing political liberalization in the direction of civil democracy."

Social Democracy the Antidote to "Tropical Mussolinis"

Political democracy will take root in Latin America only when it is accompanied by economic and social democracy, argues, Alejandro Toledo, former president of Peru. Neglecting the critical dimensions of social justice and exclusion has left a dangerous vacuum for authoritarian neo-populists. His words have resonance as thousands of protesters denounce President Hugo Chávez's closure of an opposition television channel, the latest in a series of disturbing moves by the leader left-leaning Mexican author Carlos Fuentes calls the "tropical Mussolini."

Reports that workers will be required to take compulsory political indoctrination lessons and continuing moves against NGOs and civil society further confirm the regime's declared intent, in the words of Chávista Vice President Jorge Rodriguez, "to impose the dictatorship of a true democracy."

While Chávez has his cheerleaders in the West, his authoritarianism is even alienating left-leaning sympathisers. "Chávez is very polarising," says one academic."He does not tolerate friendly criticism, which alienates potential friends." Chávista slogans about popular participation and inclusivity disguise an increasingly centralising project, says one Venezuela analyst. "Chávez's objectives stem from his own mistrust of the immediate political forces around him, so he is trying to build an alternative system that functions through the grass roots. In effect, though, it is being implemented from above."

IN BRIEF

European Union and Asian nations joined the chorus of voices urging the country's military regime to lift restrictions on political parties and to end Suu Kyi's five-year house arrest. EU and Asian foreign ministers made the appeal on Tuesday at the end of a 2-day meeting, in which the regime's foreign minister Nyan Win participated. Burma joined the 45-nation Asia-Europe group in 2004 despite reservations by the EU, which has imposed diplomatic and economic sanctions on the regime. Suu Kyi, leader of the opposition NLD and winner of the 1991 Nobel Peace Prize, has spent 11 of the past 17 years in detention. The EU and other supporters of Suu Kyi condemned the junta's decision to extend her house arrest by one year.

RESOURCES

IDEA – Political Parties Series
Political Parties in Africa: Challenges for Sustained Multiparty Democracy is a broad, comparative analysis of 27 African countries and 75 political parties, aiming to stimulating debate on the challenges faced by political parties in Africa. Similarly, Political Parties in South Asia: The Challenge of Change provides a comparative view of the conditions, roles and functioning of political parties in five countries of the South Asian region – Bangladesh, India, Nepal, Sri Lanka and Pakistan, while Political Parties in Central and Eastern Europe: In Search of Consolidation analyzes the party systems in Central and Eastern Europe. It focuses on external regulation, internal functioning, women's participation and the impact of different electoral systems on the development of the party system.

Stanford Summer Fellows on Democracy and Development
The Center on Democracy, Development, and the Rule of Law (CDDRL) at Stanford University has announced its new class of Stanford Summer Fellows on Democracy and Development. This year's fellows – 27 outstanding civic, political, and economic leaders (and Democracy Digest subscribers!) from 22 countries in transition – were selected from more than 500 applications.

OPPORTUNITIES

Program Officer – Iraq, National Endowment for Democracy, Washington, DC
The National Endowment for Democracy, a congressionally funded, private, nonprofit grant making organization, is seeking to fill the position of an Iraq program officer (PO). The program officer will work with other senior program staff to develop and manage the Endowment's grants program, develop strategies, set funding priorities and monitor and evaluate projects in Iraq.

Duties will include assessing proposals; drafting executive summaries; monitoring groups and projects; maintaining contacts with organizations and individuals in Iraq and vetting proposals; liaising with other institutes; representing NED at coordinating meetings and public fora; providing consultations; and making field visits. In addition, the PO will assist in the overall administration of the MENA program team and work with them to develop program support projects. Qualified candidates should send a cover letter, resume and names of two references to jobs@ned.org. Closing date is June 22nd, 2007. Further details here.

Senior Program Officer – Middle East & North Africa, National Endowment for Democracy, Washington, DC
The NED is seeking to fill the position of a Senior Program Officer (SPO) for the Middle East and North Africa, with special focus on Iraq, Afghanistan, Iran and Turkey. The SPO will work with other program officers to develop and manage the Endowment's grants program, develop strategies, set funding priorities and monitor and evaluate projects in the region.

Duties will include assessing proposals; drafting executive summaries; monitoring groups and projects; maintaining contacts with organizations and individuals in the region and vetting proposals; liaising with other institutes; representing NED at coordinating meetings and public fora; providing consultations; and making field visits. In addition, the SPO will assist in the overall administration of the MENA program team and work with them to develop program support projects. Requirements include a bachelor's degree; a minimum of 10 years applicable experience in and knowledge of political, social and intellectual issues in the Middle East; experience in NGOs and civic projects; strong written skills in English; and language skills in Arabic and/or Farsi. Field experience in Iraq or Afghanistan and a master's degree in political development or other relevant field are preferred. Qualified candidates should send a cover letter, resume and names of two references to jobs@ned.org. Further details here.

Senior Media Center Program Coordinator, National Endowment for Democracy, Washington, DC
Responsibilities: Assist the Director of the Center for International Media Assistance with all aspects of the program; establish and maintain working relationships with organizations and individuals in the field; initiate and conduct meetings with individuals and organizations involved in media development as appropriate; prepare, write and edit reports and publications; attend relevant internal and external meetings, conferences, and events; organize working groups, conferences, meetings, and public events; assist the Director in managing the budget; facilitate coordination with NED program staff.

To apply, please e-mail a letter of interest and resume, including contact information for three references, to jobs@ned.org. Please use "Senior Media Center Program Coordinator" for the subject line of your email. Applications will be accepted until the position is filled.

Media Center Administrator, National Endowment for Democracy, Washington, DC
Responsibilities: Assist the Director and Senior Program Coordinator of the Center for International Media Assistance with all aspects of the program; organize and respond to media center inquiries and correspondence; draft and edit content for Web site, press releases, and other documents; keep records, databases, and contact information updated; assist with preparations for conferences, meetings, and public events; research issues and organizations in media assistance; provide work direction for interns and others as directed; proofread and edit reports and publications.

Knowledge and Skill Level Requirements: Bachelor's degree required; proficiency in MS Word/PowerPoint and Internet research, some Excel preferred; excellent verbal and written English-language skills; background knowledge of international relations, media issues, and current events; strong administrative and organizational skills.

To apply, please e-mail a letter of interest and resume, including contact information for three references, to jobs@ned.org. Please use "Media Center Administrator" for the subject line of your email. Applications will be accepted until the position is filled.

The International Republican Institute
Vacancies for various full-time positions: If you are interested in employment opportunities, please click on the links above to read the job description for available positions. Please e-mail your resume to personnel@iri.org and reference the specific opportunity you are interested in. IRI does not accept unsolicited resumes.

Senior Program Manager, National Democratic Institute for International Affairs, Nouakchott, Mauritania
The National Democratic Institute (NDI) seeks a Resident Senior Program Officer with strong managerial and program implementation skills to oversee democratic development programs in Mauritania and the administration of the Institute's field office. This position is based in Nouakchott, with frequent travel throughout the country. The Resident Senior Program Officer will report to the Country Representative and will work closely with other NDI staff members in North and West Africa as well as in Washington. The position is available beginning in July 2007. Contact Information: Epi Fagundo efagundo@ndi.org. Full details here. Interested applicants can apply now using NDI's on-line resume tool.

Senior Program Manager – Asia, National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI), Washington, DC
The National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI) seeks a Senior Program Manager in its Washington DC office to support the Regional Director in supervising the Asia team. Responsibilities: Designs and oversees the implementation of program activities; provides assistance and team leadership in day-to-day internal management of regional department and acts as management focal point in absence of Regional Director. Full details here.

Director, Asia Division, ABA Rule of Law Initiative, Washington, DC
The Rule of Law Initiative seeks an experienced international development professional to provide overall direction for operations in its Washington, D.C. headquarters and in the field. Currently, the Asia Division provides technical legal assistance in the following seven (7) countries: China, Cambodia, Thailand, Vietnam, Philippines, Nepal and Indonesia. Program areas in which the Asia Division is active include anti-corruption, judicial reform, legal profession reform, legal education reform, human rights, and civic advocacy. To apply please send a cover letter and resume to: jobs@staff.abanet.org. Applications will be considered on a rolling basis as received. Only short-listed candidates will be contacted. For more information please visit our website. Contact Information: Paulina Rudnicka, 202-662-1989, prudnicka@staff.abanet.org.

Chief of Party (contingent on funding), IFES Democracy at Large, West Bank/Gaza
IFES is an international, nonprofit organization that supports the building of democratic societies. IFES provides targeted technical assistance to strengthen transitional democracies. Founded in 1987 as a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization, IFES has developed and implemented comprehensive, collaborative democracy solutions in more than 120 countries. Applications will be accepted online only, through the IFES website. Full details here. Then follow the instructions on how to upload your resume and answer prescreening questions. A cover letter is welcome and can be placed in the applicant notes section. Phone: 202-350-6700, Fax: 202-350-6700.

Program Manager, MENA, A08, IFES Democracy at Large, Washington, DC
MENA Programs Description: Currently, IFES manages and implements programs in seven countries in the Middle East & North Africa (MENA) region. Initiatives include, but are not limited to, technical electoral assistance, women and youth participation, and rule of law. Programs require close coordination and partnerships with local electoral authorities, local NGOs, international organizations, and regional advocacy groups. Full details here. Applications accepted online only, through the IFES website. Follow the instructions on how to upload your resume and answer prescreening questions. A cover letter is welcome and can be placed in the applicant notes section. Phone: 202-350-6700.

Program Officer, South Asia, IFES Democracy at Large, Washington, DC
IFES is seeking a Program Officer to provide administrative and programmatic support to Asia Programs. Responsibilities include project administration and management; preparing financial reports for USAID, other funding agencies, and IFES senior management; overseeing large scale procurement processes; etc. Full details here. Applications accepted online only, through the IFES website. Follow the instructions on how to upload your resume and answer prescreening questions. A cover letter is welcome and can be placed in the applicant notes section. Phone: 202-350-6700.

Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy – Regional Representative, Africa
The Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy is looking for candidates for the position of Regional Representative for Africa. The NIMD is a democracy assistance organisation for political parties in young democracies. Founded in 2000 by seven Dutch parties (CDA, PvdA, VVD, Groenlinks, D66, Christen Unie en SGP), NIMD currently works with more than 150 political parties from 17 countries in Africa, Latin America, Asia and Eastern Europe. In Africa, the NIMD programme includes Ghana, Mali, Mozambique, Malawi, Kenya, Tanzania, Zambia, Zimbabwe and South Africa as partner countries, with some other countries in the pipe-line.

The regional representative is accountable to the NIMD Executive Director and implements daily work under the coordination of the Regional Coordinator for Africa of NIMD. (S)he will be located in Pretoria, South Africa. The representative executes the responsibilities in close cooperation with the NIMD staff and is part of the NIMD Bureau. Full details here. Interested candidates are requested to submit applications by 1 July 2007 to the NIMD Deputy Director at recruitment@nimd.org or at postal address: NIMD, attn. Deputy Director, Mr. W. Bakker, Passage 31, 2511 AB The Hague, The Netherlands.

EVENTS

June 8th and 9th, Democracy, a universal value? Hôtel Royal Mansour, Casablanca, Morocco. Rights & Democracy (the International Centre for Human Rights and Democratic Development) is holding its annual conference in Casablanca, in partnership with the Collectif Démocratie et Modernité. Democracy coexists with a broad spectrum of spiritual, cultural and social heritages. The idea of a common quest, the singularity of the democratic ideal, the plurality of democratic systems and the inclusion of the "social substance" should inspire our debates and efforts to promote democracy in the XXI century. The conference will have four roundtables, "Democracy, a Universal Value?" "Democratic Values and Plurality of Political Systems," "Democracy and Secularization," and "Democracy, Citizenship and Civil Society." Interpretation services in French, English and Arabic will be available on site.

June 11, Human Trafficking and Contemporary Slavery: Towards a Bicentennial Anti-Slavery Act, Chatham House, London. The Henry Jackson Society and Chatham House cordially invite you to a joint conference to examine the British abolition of the slave trade and its implications for interventionism today, specifically in relation to the means required to combat the scourge of contemporary slavery (e.g. sex slavery and human trafficking). Key speakers include: The Rt. Hon. Iain Duncan Smith MP, The Rt. Hon. Denis MacShane MP, the Baroness of Winterbourne, Aidan McQuade (Director of Anti-Slavery International) and a host of other leading anti-slavery campaigners. For more information, please contact Gideon Mailer on +44 (0) 7817 770 429 or gideon.mailer@henryjacksonsociety.org.

June 12 8:30am – 5:30pm, America in the World: Forging a New Vision for Foreign Policy and International Security. Hyatt Regency, Capitol Hill, Washington, DC. The Center for American Progress and The Century Foundation conference will feature speakers and panels on today's pressing international issues of peace and security, including U.S. nuclear weapons policy, configuring America's defenses to 21st century realities, America's role in the Middle East, the global economy, and energy and the environment. Confirmed speakers include former Secretary of State and NDI chair Madeleine Albright; former National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski; former NATO Supreme Allied Commander Wesley Clark; former Senate Majority Leader Tom Daschle; and Senator Gordon Smith.

June 12, 2007. Post-Conflict Reconstruction: Engaging Civil Society in Reform. Organized by the Center for International Private Enterprise (CIPE), a non-profit affiliate of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and one of the four core institutes of the National Endowment for Democracy. Opening remarks by Congressman Alcee L. Hastings (D-FL), Chairman, Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe (Helsinki Commission). Panel discussions will focus on lessons learned from post-conflict reconstruction in the Balkans and discussing ways to engage civil society in the reconstruction of Iraq and Afghanistan. Panels will feature representatives of civil society groups from post-conflict countries as well as donors and NGOs working in the Balkans and the Middle East. 9:00 a.m. – 12:00 p.m. Rayburn House Office Building, Capitol Hill, Washington, DC. Room 2166*Breakfast will be served at 8:30* RSVP rsvp@cipe.org.

June 13, 12:00 to 1:30 pm. Shame, by Mohammed Ali Naqvi. This stunning documentary tells the true story of international human rights icon and National Endowment for Democracy grantee Mukhtar Mai, a Pakistani peasant who was gang-raped and publicly shamed in her village, but used her trauma to spark a legal revolution that exposed centuries of brutal tribal conflict and government mismanagement. This film, currently airing on Showtime, won the Full Frame Documentary Film Festival "Women in Leadership" Award. Main Conference Room, National Endowment for Democracy, 1025 F Street, NW, Suite 800 || Washington, DC 20004-1409.

June 14. "Scorpions, a Home Movie", a documentary film about war crimes in Bosnia, with remarks and Q&A with Nataša Kandic, Executive Director of the Humanitarian Law Center, Belgrade. The documentary film "Scorpions, a Home Movie" produced by the Humanitarian Law Center (HLC) and directed by Lazar Stojanovic, brings viewers face to face with members of the notorious Scorpions militia unit through interviews, archival footage from both the HLC and the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia, and shocking video recordings made by the Scorpion members themselves. Immediately following the 50-minute film, the Humanitarian Law Center's Executive Director Nataša Kandic will speak about the film and respond to questions. Ms. Kandic is a heroine in the struggle for human rights and international justice in the Balkan region. She organized the Candles for Peace Campaign in 1991 and the Black Ribbon March in 1992. She is the recipient of more than 20 international, regional, and national human rights awards. In 2003 she was named by Time Magazine as one of 36 "European Heroes." 12:00 noon – 2:00 pm. Lunch will be served. National Endowment for Democracy, 1025 F Street, NW 8th Floor, Main Conference Room, Washington, DC 20004. RSVP to rsvp@ned.org or (202) 378-9691

June 18, 6:00 pm, Anwar Ibrahim on Development and Democracy. SID Lecture Series on Development and Democracy, Vrije Universiteit (VU), Amsterdam. Anwar Ibrahim is former deputy prime minister and finance minister of Malaysia. Early in his career, he became a protege of the former prime minister of Malaysia, Mahathir, but subsequently emerged as the most prominent critic of Mahathir's administration, which led to Anwar's dismissal, prosecution, and imprisonment. Upon regaining his freedom, Anwar took up his current role as an opposition voice. He is also currently advisor to the People's Justice Party. He is an internationally renowned speaker on the subjects of democracy, freedom, governance, Islam and democracy and the need for accountability.

20th June. "Pakistan: a cloudy future". Speaker: Dennis Kux. 12:30-14:00 at the Transatlantic Institute, 6 Rue des Quatre Bras, 1000 Brussels. Ambassador Dennis Kux is a retired State Department specialist on South Asia and is currently a Senior Policy Scholar at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, DC. Seating is limited. To participate, please contact the Transatlantic Institute. Phone +32 2 500 72 80 or email info@transatlanticinstitute.org.

June 20, 2007. An Imperative to Innovate: Sustainable Journalism Training in Central and Eastern Europe. The Center for International Media Assistance at the National Endowment for Democracy cordially invites you to a luncheon presentation of the John S. and James L. Knight Foundation report, An Imperative to Innovate. Featuring Panelists: Eric Newton, Vice President, Journalism Program, Knight Foundation; Aaron Presnall, Director of Studies, Jefferson Institute; Joyce Barnathan, President, International Center for Journalists. The report explores the current state of journalism training in Central and Eastern Europe and considers the realistic options and constraints for mobilizing international support to assemble financial support for media training in Central and Eastern Europe in perpetuity. A Q&A session will follow. Copies of An Imperative to Innovate will be available. 12:00–2:00 p.m. (Lunch served from 12:00–12:30 p.m.) 1025 F Street, N.W., Suite 800, Washington, DC 20004 RSVP (acceptances only) with name and affiliation by Monday, June 18 to CIMA@ned.org.