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June 25, 2004, Volume 1,
Number 8
DEMOCRACY
DIGEST
The Weekly Bulletin of the Transatlantic
Democracy Network
ISSUES
"Democracy
and Human Development in the Greater Middle East"
An
influential group of European and US scholars and policy
experts brought together by the German Marshall Fund has just
issued a detailed strategy paper on transatlantic partnership
for "Democracy
and Human Development in the Greater Middle East." The
paper will be the centerpiece of a conference being held this
weekend in Istanbul as a prelude to the NATO summit. (See
Forthcoming Events.)
The list of those who took part in drafting the paper is
impressively broad, ranging from the neo-conservative Joshua
Muravchik of the American Enterprise Institute to Ralf Fuecks
of the German Greens. There are representatives from both
"new" and "old" Europe, and from Turkey. (A full list of the
authors follows.)
The paper opens with a challenge to the so-called
"realists" who argue that support for democracy in the Middle
East is foolishly idealistic. Autocratic regimes in the region
do not provide stability, the authors charge, but instead
"have stoked anti-Western feelings as an outlet for domestic
discontent." Reluctance to challenge such regimes "has helped
delay the economic and political reforms...that could provide
the foundation for a more durable stability….[O]ur strategic
and moral imperatives now clearly converge and argue for a
radical shift in our policy."
The paper acknowledges that the policies it advocates will
require "historic staying power" and run significant risks,
but contends that other options not only run counter to the
basic values of the West, but are futile.
The authors set out a half-dozen strategic guideposts for
their new transatlantic strategy, arguing for special
attention to Turkey, Iran, Afghanistan and countries at the
core of the Israel/Arab dispute. They urge leaders on both
sides of the ocean to look beyond "deep differences over the
wisdom and justness of the war in Iraq" and not "to abandon
the goal of a free and democratic Iraq." While not calling
specifically for the deployment of NATO forces in Iraq, they
do propose transatlantic cooperation "to recruit, train, equip
and deploy Iraqi police and armed forces" adequate "to restore
order."
The proposal urges very large increases in funding for
democratic development both by the US and the EU, as well as
the creation of a new multi-lateral foundation devoted to
supporting the independent media, educational activities and
the organizations of civil society. It also recommends major
expansions of exchanges and academic partnerships with the
region.
The paper contends that the promotion of democracy and
human development in the region will also require a sweeping
reorganization of the national and international structures
through which Europeans and Americans conduct foreign and
development policies--as far-reaching as the one that followed
the onset of the Cold War. This will entail the development of
regional security and development structures for the broader
Middle East, new organizational capacities for democracy
promotion at the Cabinet and Commission level in the US and
EU, and much deeper channels of cooperation between the US and
the EU itself.
This paper appears at a significant moment in the dialogue
about cooperation between the US and Europe in the Middle
East, and in the debates of the American Presidential
campaign. Some may regard it as an alternative strategy to
go-it-alone tendencies in US foreign policy, while others will
paint it (in the words of a prominent American journalist)
as "a more muscular version of the Bush policy." But the
German Marshall Fund's Ronald Asmus explains the effort this
way: "What we were trying to do is demonstrate that it's
possible to build a bipartisan coalition for this vision
across the aisle and across the Atlantic. The Bush
administration has made a start. The question is, will we
follow up and will we come up with a long-term blueprint?"
Authors: Urban Ahlin, Member of the Swedish
Parliament Mensur Akgn, Turkish Economic and Social Science
Studies Foundation Gustavo de Aristegui, Member of the
Spanish Parliament Ronald D. Asmus, The German Marshall
Fund of the United States Daniel Byman, Georgetown
University Larry Diamond, Hoover Institution Steven
Everts, Centre for European Reform Ralf Fuecks, Heinrich
Boll Foundation Iris Glosemeyer, Stiftung Wissenschaft und
Politik Jana Hybaskova, Czech Member of the European
Parliament Thorsten Klassen, The German Marshall Fund of
the United States Mark Leonard, Foreign Policy
Centre Michael McFaul, Stanford University Thomas O.
Melia, Georgetown University Michael Mertes, Dimap
Consult Joshua Muravchik, American Enterprise
Institute Kenneth M. Pollack, The Brookings
Institution Karen Volker, Office of Senator Joseph
Lieberman Jennifer Windsor, Freedom House
Democracy
in Iraq: Too Visionary, or Too Late?
Some
critics of the Iraq campaign hold that an effort to establish
democracy there was doomed from the start because of
inhospitable cultural and political traditions that can only
change very gradually. But a provocative critique of the
Coalition's strategy is developing that argues that, risky as
they might have been, big steps to engage Iraqis in meaningful
democratic participation should have begun immediately after
Saddam was overthrown.
Michael
Rubin, a resident scholar at the American Enterprise
Institute who served with the Coalition Provisional Authority
(CPA) in Iraq, contends that "the paternalistic approach of
the Coalition Provisional Authority has bred resentment and
stunted the development of responsible local institutions."
Rubin charges that "In the US press, the CPA is often
portrayed as a force for liberalism, battling Iraqis' instinct
for theocracy. But, in truth, liberal Iraqis have been given
no more authority than their conservative countrymen."
A similar theme emerges from a recent review of Coalition
practice in the Washington
Post. Members of one Iraqi district council "faulted
the CPA for not keeping a commitment to give a large share of
power to local officials." Members of their communities
brought problems to local officials, but these officials had
no control over funds or government employees, who report to
national ministries. The Post reports that "Despite
calls from Iraqi politicians for the participants to be chosen
by popular vote, the CPA deemed municipal elections too risky
last summer. They worried that religious extremists and
Baathists would manipulate the process....As a result, the
councils were filled with people who owed their jobs more to
the CPA than to the public."
Arafat
& Democracy Transatlantic
discussion of the challenges democracy faces in the Broader
Middle East soon comes around to the importance of peace
between Israel and the Palestinians. As noted in the most
recent DemDigest (June 18), both Jacques Chirac and
Romano Prodi stressed this at last week's gathering of the
G-8. The problem, however, is not whether peace is important,
but rather, how to get there. And here there are major
differences.
The US perception, underscored by President Bill Clinton in
his just-published biography, is that four years ago Israel
offered major concessions that were rejected by the
Palestinian negotiators at Camp David, before the launch of
the second Intifada. “I still don't believe Arafat would make
such a colossal mistake,” writes Clinton.
But the view in important European leadership circles is
that both Israel and the Palestinians share responsibility for
the breakdown of the Oslo process, and that more “evenhanded”
pressures than the US is willing to exert will be needed to
get negotiations back on track.
Differences about what the problem is have produced
deadlock about how to move forward. One way this logjam could
be broken is if Palestinians and their supporters put forward
a negotiator perceived by all sides to be more strongly
committed both to democracy and peace. There are some
indications that pressures for such change are mounting both
within and outside the Arab world.
Outrage over undemocratic high-handedness and corruption in
the Palestinian Authority has provoked strong protests from
respected figures in the Palestinian leadership. Jawad
Saleh, a former minister in Arafat's cabinet and a member
of the Palestinian Legislative Council, has called on his
fellow Palestinians to join in street demonstrations “to
overthrow the PLC and develop a new leadership.” He contends
that the 88-member Council is so dominated by Arafat's
supporters that it suppresses any meaningful debate about
pervasive corruption.
Another important dissident in the Fatah Party, Quadura
Faris, charges that the Palestinian leadership now 'has no
vision for obtaining a peaceful future and lacks the ability
to govern.” According to this account,
the Palestinian Authority exists “only because it manages to
pay the salaries of its 140,000 workers thanks largely to the
contributions of $1.3 billion from donor countries over the
past three years."
Donors to the PA are uneasy about how their funds are being
spent. According to the European
Observer, "OLAF, the EU's anti-fraud office, has
signaled that new evidence could arise over the alleged misuse
by the Palestinian Authority of EU funds to fund terrorist
activities," and a German Television station reports that some
"246 million Euro of EU money, granted to the Palestinian
Authority by the European Commission, ended up in fully
uncontrollable bank accounts….contrary to specific
project-based EU aid [guidelines]."
These issues appear to be matters of concern to a wide
spectrum of Palestinians. A number of opinion
polls have documented that substantial majorities of
Palestinians in areas under the Palestinian Authority support
democratic reforms. Skeptics sometimes question whether those
polled use the term democracy in the way it is used in the
liberal democracies of the West. But the Ramallah-based Palestinian
Center for Policy and Survey Research recently found that
most Palestinians understand democracy in terms of what they
see in neighboring Israel, and point to Israel as a model more
often than such countries as the US, Germany or France.
The
Gramsci Effect? How can it be that
-- even as US government strategies for promoting democracy
stumbles, and those of Europe seem tepid -- the buzz about
democratic reform continues in the Middle East, and may even
be growing stronger?
One explanation is suggested in a recent article by Freedom
House Senior Scholar Adrian Karatnycky:
the Gramsci effect. Antonio Gramsci was an Italian Communist
thinker whose writings inspired a number of figures who went
on to became intellectual gurus to the New Left of the 1960s:
Herbert Marcuse and Noam Chomsky among them. Later his ideas
also won respect from certain conservatives
seeking to challenge what they saw as unhealthy influences in
the culture of politics. Gramsci's central idea might crudely
be paraphrased this way: greater than the tread of a mighty
army is an idea whose time has come.
In an article in the most recent National Interest
Karatnycky argues that democracy has become the “hegemonic
idea” of our times. He contends that the values and concepts
of democracy are re-shaping politics and diplomacy, even in
the practice of those who think of themselves as masters of
realpolitik. He recounts an impressive list of the ways in
which democracy has come to prevail in governments, regional
institutions and is even knocking at the door of the UN.
Nevertheless, he warns, "democratic hegemony, in the end,
is not some inevitable endpoint of historical development. It
may only be an opportunity…."
INFORMATION
Michael
Allen on Assignment Any
deficit of material in this week's "Information" section
results from co-editor Michael Allen's response to the call to
provide badly-needed encouragement to his English national
team at the Euro
2004 football championship in Portugal. Allen will also
report on the impending Democracy-Agenda conference on "Enhancing the European
profile in Democracy Assistance" from The Hague. (See
Forthcoming Events.)
Solidarnosc's Jacek Kuron Dies at 70 Jacek Kuron,
who inspired Poles to struggle against Communist rule and a
was a godfather of the Solidarity labor union movement, died
on June 17 in Warsaw. Kuron, who in his youth was an
idealistic communist, did not wallow in his disillusionment,
but was transformed by it into a democratic activist and
thinker. This led him to a role as a senior organizer of KOR,
the Committee to Assist Workers, a support group and
intellectual resource center for workers' who were struggling
against government-run unions to create an independent labor
federation. Lech Walesa, the leader of the Solidarity trade
union and Poland's first democratic president said Kuron was
“the unquestionable leader of the anti-communist struggle in
the 1970s and '80s.” and that ''Without him, the events of
August 1980 would have been impossible."
Kuron was among the thousands arrested when General
Wojciech Jaruzelski declared martial law on December 13, 1981.
He emerged from prison to serve as a leader of the roundtable
negotiations, and then as labor minister in the Solidarity
government. He was a candidate for the Polish presidency in
1995 before poor health slowed his political career.
VACANCIES
The Asia
Foundation Democracy and Civil Society: Taiwan
The Asia Foundation seeks a Senior Program Manager
required to design and implement projects related to Taiwan's
democratic consolidation and development of domestic civil
society; produce periodic analyses of Taiwan's democratization
and civil society development; prepares proposals and reports
for these projects; and coordinate with civil society
organizations in Taiwan. Contact: Sue Su - Phone: (886-2)
2506-1174 or mailto:suesu@afit.org.tw.
Apply by: July 31, 2004
National Endowment for
Democracy Interns The NED seeks interns for its
International Forum for Democratic Studies, Reagan-Fascell
Fellowship, and Journal of Democracy. For further details
contact: Melissa Aten: Phone: 202-293-0300, extension 665 or
matilto:melissa@ned.org.
Apply by: July 15, 2004.
FORTHCOMING EVENTS
June 25-27, Istanbul, Turkey The
Atlantic Alliance at a New Crossroads
Conference The German Marshall Fund of the United
States (GMF) and the Turkish Economic and Social Studies
Foundation (TESEV) are holding a conference of the
transatlantic strategic community in Istanbul, Turkey, in
advance of the NATO Summit. The themes that will be
highlighted include the Alliance's overall strategic
reorientation, a new Euro-Atlantic strategy for the Black Sea,
NATO's future role in Afghanistan and possibly Iraq, as well
as how the West can promote democracy in the Greater Middle
East. Several senior politicians from both sides of the
Atlantic have agreed to address the audience among them
Turkish Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan, U.S. Senator Richard
Lugar, German Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer, and NATO
Secretary General Jaap de Hoop Scheffer. In addition GMF and
TESEV have commissioned a set of scholarly policy papers – the
“Istanbul Papers” -- on a number of these issues, which will
be distributed at the event.
Space and security require the event be by invitation only.
Press inquiries should be directed to Abigail Golden-Vazquez:
mailto:agoldenvazquez@gmfus.org
or fax. 1-202-265-1662. Materials will be available upon
request after the conference.
July, 4-6, The Hague, the Netherlands High-profile
Speakers at "Enhancing the European profile in Democracy
Assistance" Conference Democracy AGENDA –- the Alliance
for Generating a European Network for Democracy Assistance -–
has confirmed several important speakers for their forthcoming
conference,
"Enhancing the European profile in Democracy Assistance."
Dutch Prime Minister Jan Peter Balkenende will join Madeleine
Albright, former US Secretary of State and president of the
National Democratic Institute, in addressing the conference in
The Hague, Netherlands. Other speakers include Lord Dahrendorf
of the British House of Lords, Adrian Severin, president of
the OSCE and former minister of state in Romania), Mamphela
Ramphele, Managing Director of the World Bank), Miguel Angel
Rodriguez (former President of Costa Rica) and Agnes Van
Ardenne, the Dutch Minister of International Cooperation.
The event is hosted by the Institute for Multiparty
Democracy, parallel to the Dutch presidency of the
European Union. The conference is prepared by a European wide
steering committee, containing the German Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, the
British Westminster Foundation
for Democracy, the French Fondation Jean Jaures
and the Swedish Centre
Party International Department
Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy, IMD Office,
Korte Vijverberg 2, NL-2513 AB The Hague, tel: +31 70 3115464,
fax: +31 70 3115465, e-mail: info@nimd.org, web site: http://www.nimd.org/
July 7-10, Cascais, Portugal Conference on
Europe and the Trans-Atlantic Relationship A
conference wil be held at the Palácio dos Condes de Castro
Guimarães in Cascais, Portugal, organized by the Institute for
Political Studies of the Portuguese Catholic University in
association with the Harvard Summer Program, the Boston
College Summer Program and Wyzsza Szkola
Biznesu-National-Louis University of Poland. Speakers include
the German Marshall Fund's Craig Kennedy, Josef Joffe, Editor
of Die Zeit, French Parliamentarian Pierre Lellouche,
William Kristol of The Weekly Standard, Raymond Plant
of King's College, Oxford, and Democracy Digest's Penn
Kemble of Freedom House. The closing session will be addressed
by José Manuel Durão Barroso, the Prime Minister of Portugal.
The conference is convened by João Carlos Espada, editor of
Nova Cidadania and Director of the Catholic
University's Political Studies Institute, Journal of
Democracy editor Marc F. Plattner and Adam Wolfson, editor
of the Washington-based Public Interest magazine.
Further details and information about registration are
available from: Instituto de
Estudos Políticos da Universidade Católica Portuguesa
Palma de Cima, 1649-023, Lisbon – Portugal Tel. (351)
21-721-4129 Fax (351) 21-727-1836 E-Mail: mailto:imoreira@iep.ucp.pt
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involves North Americans and Europeans in dialogue about
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