Outside Observers Offer Mixed Reactions
Skeptical observers of the Partnership for Progress initiative contend that an unholy alliance of Arab despots and European governments lined up to dilute if not emasculate the US strategy at the G8. The Declaration's vague provisions, the absence of commitments for funding, the reluctance of the Europeans and the hostility of many from Arab governments persuade Marina Ottaway, Senior Associate at Washington's Carnegie Endowment that it represents “a rather hollow victory.” “It is unlikely that the initiative will prove to be the catalyst for reform envisaged by the United States,” she observes.

Mark Heller, a political analyst at Tel Aviv University's Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies, goes farther. The original draft of the initiative contained few practical proposals, he complains, and it relies for implementation on local regimes, “thereby defining as part of the solution those who are actually a big part of the problem”. In all, he feels that the United States has abandoned its goal of transforming the Middle East.

Michael Young, opinion editor at the influential Beirut-based Daily Star, is equally downcast. "My problem is not that it wants to impose the Western version (of democracy) on the Arab world, but that it is not doing that at all." Because it lacks specific initiatives the partnership plan “adds up to little more than an effort to increase the economic efficiency of Arab societies.” He points out that many Arab countries are adept at liberalizing their economies under pressure while avoiding any fundamental change in power.

But Steven A. Cook, an expert on Middle East politics at the US-based Council on Foreign Relations, says the G-8 partnership plan is a step in the right direction. “We are now talking very clearly and forthrightly about political reform in the region to Arab leaders and the Arab world," Cook says.

Cook finds the initiative to be “tilted heavily toward technical areas - literacy, micro-finance, small and medium business development,” leaving the dialogues proposed under the Forum for the Future as its only real innovation. The underlying rationale, he argues, is “if you do the economic side of things, it will bring the political side along: you empower people economically, and they will start demanding political rights.” He then urges “caution against making a causal connection between economic reform and development, and political reform and progressive political development. Economic development goes along with democratization, but it does not cause it. There's been economic liberalization in the region and there's been economic reform in the region, to some extent, and it hasn't necessarily produced political reform.”

Cook also points out that many of the specific recommendations in the statement reflect recent proposals for reform emerging from the region itself – specifically in the Arab Summit's Tunis Declaration, the Sana'a Declaration, the Alexandria Declaration, and the Arab Business Council Declaration. For The Economist, the initiative “still matters” despite the retreat from initial plans. The summit declaration is “a first step in turning Mr Bush's wordy rhetoric about democracy and the Middle East into some form of reality” and demonstrates an “increasing belief in the 'soft power' that the administration scorned only a year ago.”

Another positive assessment comes from Tamara Cofman Wittes of the Saban Center for Middle East Policy at Washington's Brookings Institution. For her, the plan still “holds out the idea that democratic rights are universal, that existing regional conflicts should not bar all progress toward democracy and that democratic reform is necessary.” The West has “accepted Arab terms of local ownership, diversity of approaches and the central importance of resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict”, she notes, and now “Arab civil society would do well to take advantage of this new multilateralism."

Neo-Transatlanticism?
Events of the past week have prompted considerable speculation on both sides of the Atlantic that there may be signs of what the Los Angeles Times calls a “new multilateralism." "It's the beginning of a less unilateral and imperial time for Bush's America, which is reconciling with the rest of the world," says Adriana Cerretelli in Italy's Il Sole--24 Ore (6-9).  

So far, just what this neo-multilateralism might entail remains murky. Is it all, as some cynics argue simply a maneuver to get President Bush's re-election campaign through the flak sent up by his rival, Senator Kerry?  

Forceful arguments that the US and Europe should go their separate ways have been put forward on both sides in recent months. Thomas Donnelly at the American Enterprise Institute contends that "cooperation with Europe will retard the American effort to accomplish its lasting purposes in the rest of the world."  Pascal Boniface argues in France's Liberation that even after Iraq, Europe will remain “a little divorced” from the United States.

But emerging political currents could flow around those hardened in these antagonistic postures. The US Presidential race is tight, which could bring changes in US policies even before the November election. The New Republic's Lawrence Kaplan warns that Bush Administration “neo-conservatives” have lost out, and their decline will bring a retreat from ambitious efforts for democratic transformation in the Middle East. But his former colleague, Jacob Heilbrunn responds in the Los Angeles Times that in fact the neo-conservatives still have the President's confidence, and face no real intellectual competition in the high counsels of the White House.

Europeans confront less immediate but in the end perhaps more far-reaching uncertainties. Recent elections for the European Parliament, seen by many proponents of European unity as the ultimate foundation for legitimacy and authority in the EU, brought a disappointing turn-out, and demonstrated that national identity and political interest still override the grand but abstract conceptions that emanate from Brussels. This does not augur well for those who hope that a well-knit European bloc could serve not only as a counterweight to US power, but could acquire a capability to shape world affairs on its own terms.

Several interesting efforts are underway to define what, given these changing circumstances, a new strategy for transatlantic cooperation might entail. Next week the German Marshall Fund will release a report written by an international group of thinkers and practitioners on transatlantic partnership for democracy in the broader Middle East, and The Heinrich Böll Foundation will convene its 5th Annual Foreign Policy Conference in Berlin. Look also for Adrian Karatnycky's article on Democratic Hegemony in the forthcoming issue of Policy Review. Democracy Digest will follow this discussion, and welcomes suggestions from readers on aspects of it we should note.

Europe's "Third Way" Approach to Mideast Reform
The European "third way" approach to promoting Arab democracy and human rights has been “ineffectual” in changing the region's power relations, says a new Carnegie report from European democratization expert, Richard Youngs. Despite qualitative and quantitative advantages over US efforts, EU strategies suffer from “strikingly inchoate decision-making” and “arbitrary accidentalism”, says Youngs, a European Union research fellow with the London-based Foreign Policy Centre's Civility Project on Middle East reform.

In Europe's Uncertain Pursuit of Middle East Reform, Youngs suggests European governments avoid the language of democracy, preferring indirect methods, including economic reform and programs for promoting good governance and civil society development. Europe's gradualist approach appeals to Arab governmental partners but risks lapsing into irresolution and ineffectiveness.

He criticizes Europe's “determination to reinforce [its] distinctiveness from the US,” arguing that the “existential venality” of the EU's approach diverts it from pressing for reform.

The level of the EU's reform-related funding compares favorably with the $15 million spent annually by the US on democracy aid in the Middle East in the 10 years up to 2001. But while the EU's gradualism and partnership approach are commendable, the “surfeit of new action plans, papers and initiatives is not yet translating itself into significant increases in democracy promotion support.”

European approaches eschew assertive democracy promotion in favor of a “socio-economic, techno-governance” approach, says Youngs, “combining relatively innocuous grassroots initiatives with top-down cooperation purporting to 'nudge' unthreateningly the outlooks of entrenched elites.”

He recommends a “more comprehensively political approach transcending the scattering of isolated civil society and governance initiatives” which would entail “more dexterous and nimble political interventions targeting visible opportunities when breakthrough opportunities present themselves.”

Islamic Countries Engage With "Inevitable Democracy"
Democracy is inevitable in the Middle East but each nation must determine the pace of its own reforms, says Turkish President Ahmet Necdet Sezer. Addressing the 57-nation Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC) meeting this week in Istanbul, he implored Muslim leaders to “make a sincere and frank appraisal without delay" of 'What Went Wrong?' in the Islamic world.

"Democracy is universal, and a modern day requirement,” Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan told the conference. “Future generations will remember the leaders of today by the leadership they have demonstrated towards democratization,” he continued. “Each country should lay out its democratization perspective that suits local conditions and … [i]nstead of blaming the outside world for the difficulties, they should put their house in order.”

Erdogan said Turkey's membership application to the EU and partnership with the US provide proof that the “real fault-line dividing civilizations runs through those who are democratic, at ease with the world and in step with globalization, as opposed to those who have fallen off modern governance.”

OIC Secretary-General Abdelouahed Belkeziz startled delegates with a fervent denunciation of leaders' inertia in the face of a multi-dimensional crisis of governance and human development. Rejecting conspiracy theories and fatalism, he said it was “high time for the Islamic world to take a decisive position on democracy.” “Much hinges on that position, if we are to move away from being the passive objects of others' influence to the active agents of a positive influence on international affairs,” he said.

Internal, regional, and international pressures are forcing governments to talk about reform, says Neil Partrick, an analyst with the Economist Intelligence Unit in London. But he suggests some Middle East regimes may try to pass off improved governance as democratic reform. "There is some evidence they want to make decision-making more transparent, that they want to tighten up on corruption," Partrick said. "But this is not necessarily a model of multiparty democracy."

Iraq a Rare Bright Spot in Bleak Picture for Union Rights
Workers' rights continue to be violated across the world, says the leading global labor body, with 129 trade unionists killed worldwide and an acceleration in death threats, imprisonment and physical harassment.

The annual survey of trade union rights, published by the International Confederation of Trade Unions (ICFTU), catalogues severe abuses of fundamental workers' rights in 2003. The toll of 129 murdered trade unionists is less than 2002, says the ICFTU, but still serves as a reminder of the dangers trade unionists face in exercising their fundamental rights. The ICFTU represents over 151 million workers in 233 affiliated organizations in 152 countries and territories.

The Middle East is dominated by repressive regimes which systematically flout trade union rights. One bright spot is in Iraq where, says the ICFTU, unions have been finally released from Saddam Hussein's "vise-like grip." The Workers Democratic Trade Union Movement (WDTUM) – in hiding since it was founded in 1980 – is working to build the foundation of a free Iraqi labor movement. “For the first time in 35 years, democratic elections were held at workplaces to elect union representatives,” the report notes. A new organization, the Iraqi Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU), was founded late in 2003 and already has more than 200,000 members.

A monolithic union system prevails in Jordan, Kuwait, Yemen, and Syria, with Soviet-style restrictions on independent unions, says the Federation. But Bahrain shows signs of promise. While the right to strike is restricted and the right to collective bargaining is denied, some 37 trade unions were recently created after the adoption in 2002 of a law authorizing plural unionism. There was also a “discreet but significant” shift in Oman where unions are still banned but new legislation allows workers to form “representatives' committees,” similar to the law in Saudi Arabia. Nevertheless, by late 2003, no such committee had been created in either state.

INFORMATION

Global Action Plan for Women's Political Inclusion
A new initiative to increase women's representation in political leadership and decision-making positions has been launched by the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI).

The central feature of NDI's Win With Women Initiative is its Global Action Plan, an advocacy tool which focuses on political parties' role in increasing leadership opportunities. The plan identifies practical steps for parties to reach out to women as voters, members, candidates and elected representatives.

The Global Action Plan was developed at a global forum hosted by NDI Chairman Madeleine K. Albright in December 2003. Authored and ratified by party leaders from 27 countries, the Plan contains recommendations from individuals experienced in opening avenues for women's leadership.

NDI invites political and civic activists to learn more about the Initiative and become signatories of the Global Action Plan by visiting the Win with Women website: www.winwithwomen.ndi.org. The Global Action Plan is available in Arabic, Bahasa-Indonesian, English, French, Spanish and Turkish on the Win with Women website.

Handbook for Party Building Released
"Practicing democracy encompasses elections and the time between elections," says a new publication from the Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy. "We share the view that politics matters, that political parties are part of the problem of dissatisfaction with the functioning of democracy," says A Framework for Democratic Party Building. But, it concludes, parties still "constitute part of the solution to make the political system more responsive to the needs of the people." The handbook resulted from an IMD workshop on the institutional development of political parties in June 2003. An investigation by academics and practitioners from Africa, Latin America and Asia into ways of improving parties' performance evolved into guidelines for putting the criteria into practice.

Themes addressed by the report include the importance of political parties in democracies, institutional party development and party-civil society relationships. It also includes a quick reference guide to issues, indicators and tools.

You can download the report on IMD's website or click here to download the report directly (2.3 MB). Please note: to open the report, you'll need Adobe Reader. To order a hardcopy, send an e-mail stating your name, organization and contact details to: info@nimd.org. Put "Order IMD Handbook" in the subject line and a handbook --no more than one copy at a time will be shipped free of charge.

VACANCIES/PROPOSALS/NOMINATIONS

Webb Essay Prize 2004
The London-based Foreign Policy Centre has joined with the Webb Memorial Trust and the New Statesman to sponsor the 5th Webb Essay Prize. The aim of the prize is to encourage young people to take an interest in politics, international relations and current affairs (the upper age limit for entrants is 26 years). This year's essay title is: "Can Democracy be Exported?' The winning essay will receive a £1,000 prize and be published in the New Statesman.

Human Rights First
Human Rights First in Washington, D.C. is seeking a Foundation Director for Development, a Deputy Director for Development and a Legal Assistant.. Further details at: /www.humanrightsfirst.org

National Democratic Institute for International Affairs
Citizen Participation Program Intern
NDI seeks an undergraduate or graduate student with strong organizational, writing and interpersonal skills to assist the Citizen Participation Programs Team for Fall 2004. Further details at: www.ndi.org

Norwegian Peoples Aid
National Project Manager--Myanmar
Norwegian Peoples Aid seeks a National Project Manager to cover several thematic issues. This position at NPA's regional office for Southeast Asia (SEA) in Phnom Penh, Cambodia, which manages programs in Cambodia, Laos and Myanmar. The main thematic issues in focus for NPA's work in Myanmar include democracy and the right to participate, the right to land and resources, and the rights of indigenous peoples.

ERRATUM: Trainers for East Timor
The previous issue of Democracy Digest listed a Democracy Council vacancy announcement for trainers to work in East Timor. Please note the correct email address is: kcandaele@democracycouncil.org

FORTHCOMING EVENTS

June 21, 2004, 8:30 am to 2:00 pm, 628 Dirksen Senate Building, Washington, DC
Confronting the Coming Anarchy: Are there Templates that Get Nation Building Right?
……will be the theme of a policy forum on nation-building in Washington, D.C., organized by the New America Foundation and the Germany's Heinrich Böll Foundation. Speakers will include Francis Fukuyama, James Fallows, Dana Priest and Ellen Bork.

June 30, 2004, 8.30am, the Foreign Policy Centre, London
The Role of the Ulama in Iraq's Political Process
A Seminar with Dr Charles Tripp, Reader in Middle Eastern Politics, (SOAS) and Mr Ghanim Jawad, Department of Culture and Human Rights, Al-Khoei Foundation. By invitation only. For further details e-mail: naden@civility.org.uk.

June 30, 2004, 5:30 pm, The Foreign Policy Centre, London.
The Democracy and Development Programme Annual Lecture with Larry Diamond
Larry Diamond, a leading authority on democratization, will be delivering a lecture on the record of liberal democracy around the world.

July 7-10, 2004, Cascais, Portugal
Conference on Europe and the Trans-Atlantic Relationship
A conference wil be held July 7-10, 2004 at the Palácio dos Condes de Castro Guimarães in Cascais, Portugal, organized by the Institute for Political Studies of the Portuguese Catholic University in association with the Harvard Summer Program, the Boston College Summer Program and Wyzsza Szkola Biznesu-National-Louis University of Poland. Speakers include the German Marshall Fund's Craig Kennedy, Josef Joffe, Editor of Die Zeit, French Parliamentarian Pierre Lellouche, William Kristol of The Weekly Standard, Raymond Plant of King's College, Oxford, and Democracy Digest's Penn Kemble of Freedom House. The closing session will be addressed by José Manuel Durão Barroso, the Prime Minister of Portugal.

The conference is convened by João Carlos Espada, editor of Nova Cidadania and Director of the Catholic University's Political Studies Institute, Journal of Democracy editor Marc F. Plattner and Adam Wolfson, editor of the Washington-based Public Interest magazine. Further details and information about registration are available from: Instituto de Estudos Políticos da Universidade Católica Portuguesa Palma de Cima, 1649-023, Lisbon – Portugal Tel. (351) 21-721-4129  Fax (351) 21-727-1836 E-Mail: imoreira@iep.ucp.pt.  

DOCUMENTS

G8 SEA ISLAND SUMMIT DOCUMENTS

The final communiqué: The Partnership for Progress and a Common Future with the Region of the Broader Middle East and North Africa is available at: http://www.state.gov/e/eb/rls/fs/33375.htm

G-8 Plan of Support for Reform, including the proposed Forum for the Future and Democracy Assistance Dialogue, is available at: http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2004/06/20040609-29.html,