June 11, 2004, Volume 1, Number 6

DEMOCRACY DIGEST

The Weekly Bulletin of the Transatlantic Democracy Network


ISSUES

G8 Summit on Mideast Democracy: A Glass Half Full or Half Empty?
World leaders at the G8 summit adopted a program for promoting reform in the Middle East and North Africa, but the measure was diluted, and some leaders were openly cynical about aspirations to democratize the region.

The cumbersome title of the program itself tells of much haggling in committee rooms: "Partnership for Progress and a Common Future with the Region of the Broader Middle East and North Africa." It includes provisions for a Democracy Assistance Dialogue, a scheme for “willing partners” among G8 and Arab states. The Democracy Dialogue is intended to encourage greater coordination among pro-democracy civil society groups, political parties, foundations and governments through exchanges, forums and information-sharing, on issues ranging from election procedures to human rights. The Dialogue could, for example, involve groups such as the National Endowment for Democracy, the German Stiftungen and the British Westminster Foundation.

There was considerable speculation in the lead-up to the Sea Island meeting that commitments to democracy, freedom and human rights would be edited out of G8 statements. But the political statement that was adopted does mention democratic reform, freedom, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the need to strengthen freedom, democracy and the rule of law in the broader Middle East. Nevertheless, even a late draft of the political statement had the proposed title of the Democracy Assistance Group in brackets, an indication that some Arab and European governments prefer more anodyne terms such as reform and modernization.

Irritation over explicit commitments to democracy was especially evident among the French. According to Agence France Presse, President Jacques Chirac “trashed the initiative” at a lunch with Arab and Muslim leaders, insisting that the region did not need "missionaries of democracy." Chirac declared that "[i]mposed values are never assimilated; they always retain a taste of humiliation," suggesting that democratic and liberal values may be alien to Arab culture.

Officials of the Bush Administration were predictably upbeat about the summit outcome, stressing that the issue of Middle East democracy is now firmly on the G8 agenda. "There is no quick fix here,'' a senior administration official said, " this is the work of a generation. ... We expect this to be on the G8 agenda for years, even decades."

US officials also stressed the importance of commitments to strengthen civil society in the Middle East. Some governments in the region had insisted that the G8 restrict its initiatives to the intergovernmental arena. But, according to a senior US official speaking prior to the summit, the group's statement emphasizes that “in some cases governments are the engine of reform and in other cases governments are attempting to hold reform back….the real energy is coming from civil society, from NGOs.”

The statement is cautious in identifying potential catalysts for change in the region. In language that reflects Arab and European concerns, it insists that successful reform “depends on the countries in the region, and change should not and cannot be imposed from outside."

"Each country is unique and their diversity should be respected," the statement continues. "Our engagement must respond to local conditions and be based on local ownership. Each society will reach its own conclusions about the pace and scope of change.”

However, what could be interpreted as a prescription for maintaining the regional status quo of monarchs, emirs and dictators is challenged by another demand – reportedly included at US insistence – that “distinctiveness, important as it is, must not be exploited to prevent reform.”

Another contentious issue was the relationship of reform to a settlement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Some Arab and European governments stressed the importance of this issue to the point that it became the largest single item in the four-page statement. European Commission head Romano Prodi stated that "the mother of all conflicts is the Israeli-Palestinian conflict."

But US officials were successful in insisting on a clause stating that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict should not be used as an excuse for postponing urgently-needed reform –- a position that Arab civil society groups and even some Arab leaders now accept (see items on Doha conference below). This conflict, a senior administration official said prior to the summit, “should not provide an excuse for some government 500 or 1,000 miles away to arrest a newspaper editor or put in prison an opponent of the government or close down a opposition political party. . . .”  

The summit initiative includes a number of other items that address problems in the Middle East: a $100 million fund to help business; micro-finance schemes for small entrepreneurs, especially women; literacy programs; and training for some 100,000 teachers by the end of this decade. It offers an a la carte approach, allowing Middle East governments, business and civil society groups to select "as they choose" which of these programs they wish to participate in. The leaders also agreed to create a Forum for the Future comprising G8 and regional ministers that will conduct regular discussions on reform, beginning late in 2004.

The summit declaration omits a preamble that appeared in an early draft that, drawing on the UNDP Arab Human Development Report, described the dimensions of the crisis in the Arab world. Now the statement simply recognizes that “[t]he peoples of the Broader Middle East and North Africa have a rich tradition and culture of accomplishment in government, trade, science, the arts and more. They have made many lasting contributions to human civilization."

Building Institutions Key to Failed States
"The fundamental foreign policy challenges of our time ….originate in, spread to and disproportionately affect developing countries where governments lack the capacity, and sometimes the will, to respond." says a report by the bipartisan Commission on Weak States and US National Security.

The report, commissioned by the Washington-based Center for Global Development and released on Tuesday June 8, criticizes the aid strategy of the US administration and, by extension, the European Union and World Bank. The new development aid orthodoxy is to help poor nations with a track record of good governance - fighting corruption and promoting transparency. But laudable initiatives like the US government's Millennium Challenge Account neglect failed states, which lack the basic capabilities required to be eligible for this aid.

The report argues that three critical "capability gaps" of failing states make it imperative to create effective national institutions: the need to ensure security, to meet citizens' basic needs, and to maintain political legitimacy. Some states failed on all three counts: examples include Afghanistan, Angola, Burundi, Haiti, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Somalia and Sudan. As many as 50 countries are deficient in at least one of these capabilities.

The commission proposes four key measures to “fill” these capability gaps:

  • investment in prevention, by promoting growth and poverty reduction through trade, aid, and debt relief, as well as by building institutions of legitimate government, including police and military forces;
  • rapid response to indications of system failure, as crises occur; rewarding “clean” or improving governments with enhanced support for regional peacekeeping; and active diplomacy in unstable regions;
  • reorganization of the US government through an integrated development strategy under a single, cabinet-level development agency, and establishing a directorate on weak and failed states within the National Security Council;
  • and, to “leverage globally” the costs of this approach, the commission recommends international co-operation between G8 countries to develop common strategies, engage key developing countries and support World Bank and United Nations initiatives.

    No Excuses for Postponing Reform – Doha Declaration
    Political events in recent decades have proven that “politically free multi-party systems inclusive of political freedoms are not the sole monopoly of any given culture or civilization,” states the Doha Declaration, agreed by a recent conference of over 100 leading Arab intellectuals and activists. The declaration (reproduced below under Documents) insists that “any excuses to resist or delay democratic change in Arab countries are but poor excuses.”

    Some observers see the declaration as a major departure. “Never before has the Arab world ventured to make such sweeping and bold proposals for political reforms in its midst”, said the Jordan Times, It noted that participants “refused to accept existing pretexts for the perpetuation of the state of emergency, the existence of special court systems and the interference with the independence of the judiciary in many Arab countries.”

    The conference on democracy and political reform in the Arab world heard leading Islamic scholar, Dr Abdul Hameed Al Ansari, former dean of Qatar University's faculty of shariah and law, declare the need “for a new Arab system to be based on the values of era which reinforces human rights and adopts a conciliatory language instead of slogans and sentiments.''

    The Doha meeting provides another piece of evidence for Fareed Zakaria's claim that reform has become the "topic front and center on the region's agenda. Everywhere in the Arab world, people are talking about reform...." This is a trend that should be noted by those in the West who argue that stability should be the priority in relations with the Middle East.

    Israeli-Palestinian Conflict No Reason for Deferring Reform – Qatari Emir
    "From now on it is unacceptable to make the conflict with Israel…a pretext for justifying the slow [adoption] of reforms," Qatar's Emir stated this week in an unprecedented breach with the orthodoxy of most Arab rulers. Addressing the Doha conference, Sheikh Hamad bin Khalifa al-Thani said Arab rulers' insistence on the unique specificity of each country "is allowing some to avoid engaging on the road of reform.” Another “pretext" common in the region "is that reforms must be opposed because they come from abroad," said the emir, calling for "an independent Arab approach to reform.”

    "The problems our region is experiencing are a result of the postponement of reform and the shunning of democracy," he added. He called for a "new culture in the place of hegemony and arrogance" which “should revive true religion to stress that those who refuse democracy in the name of Islam are in fact refusing Islam ... founded on shura," or consultation.


    INFORMATION

    Syrian Human Rights Activist Kept in Solitary Confinement
    Aktham Nu'aysa, a Syrian human rights activist, has been detained by the government since April 13, 2004. Nu'aysa is a founding member and the president of the Committee for the Defense of Democratic Liberties and Human Rights in Syria (CDDLHR). It is believed Nu'aysa is being held in solitary confinement. He reportedly suffered a stroke in detention and was taken to hospital. His lawyer, who was briefly allowed to see Nu'aysa, says the charges include "carrying out activities contrary to the socialist system of the state" and "opposing the objectives of the revolution."

    Nu'aysa and the CDDLHR had recently published an annual report on human rights violations in Syria, and led a campaign for the lifting of the state of emergency. Nu'aysa was detained as a prisoner of conscience from 1991 to 1998 because of his human rights work. Go to: www.wmd.org/alert/june804.html

    Political Parties Roundtable in Morocco
    Dr. Ahmed Jazouli of the The Center for Democracy in Morocco reports that a successful roundtable was held in Rabat on May 29 at which political and NGO leaders discussed a draft law on political parties the Moroccan Cabinet is preparing. Participants expressed their unanimous view that political parties should have legal rights to organize and to play an integral role in the public life.


    VACANCIES/PROPSALS/NOMINATIONS

    Democracy Council
    The US-based nonprofit Democracy Council is looking for trainers with congressional or legislative experience to lead half-day training seminars for members of Parliament in East Timor. Portuguese or Tetum language capability preferred.  Stipend plus expenses will be covered.  Contact: Kerry at 310-479-2441 or candaele@democracycouncil.org

    Human Rights Watch
    Human Rights Watch, the international monitoring and advocacy group, wishes to appoint a director of global advocacy and an advocacy director for its Middle East and North Africa Division (to be based in Beirut, Cairo or Amman). The organization also plans to appoint researchers on Israel/Palestine (Jerusalem-based) and on Iran/Persian Gulf, to be based in New York or Washington, DC. Further details go to: http://www.hrw.org/jobs/

    Call for Applications: Reagan-Fascell Democracy Fellowships
    The Reagan-Fascell Democracy Fellows Program at the Washington, DC-based National Endowment for Democracy (NED) welcomes fellowship applications for 2005-2006. The Fellows Program was established in 2001 to enable democracy activists, practitioners, scholars, and journalists from around the world to deepen their understanding of democracy and enhance their ability to promote democratic change.

    The program is intended primarily to support activists, practitioners, and scholars from new and aspiring democracies, but distinguished scholars from the United States and other established democracies are also eligible to apply. Projects may focus on the political, social, economic, legal, and cultural aspects of democratic development and include a range of methodologies and approaches. Applicants must have a working knowledge of English. The application deadline for fellowships in 2005-2006 is Monday, November 1, 2004. For more information, visit: www.ned.org/forum/R-FApplication.pdf or contact: fellowships@ned.org

    European Union Call for Proposals – Human Rights and Democracy in Colombia
      The European Commission delegation to Colombia and Ecuador is seeking proposals for small-scale financial support for initiatives to promote and protect human rights and democracy in Colombia, using financial assistance from the micro-projects program of the European Communities. The deadline for submission of proposals for applicants from Colombia is 3 August 2004 at 16.00 Bogota time. The full guidelines for applicants are available for consultation at: www.delcol.cec.eu.int.

    Call for Nominations: Award for Human Rights Defenders
    The Martin Ennals Award (MEA) calls for nominations for its 2005 Award. Nominees must be involved in the promotion and protection of human rights. Special account is taken of those who combat human rights violations by courageous and innovative means. The Award aims to encourage individuals and organizations, in particular those working in conditions hostile to fundamental human rights and in need of protection. The deadline for nominations is October 1, 2004. Go to: www.martinennalsaward.org/en/nomination/index.html"  


    FORTHCOMING EVENTS

    June 22-23, 2004
    Rights, Pluralism and Human Security – Middle East Workshop
    The Jordan Institute of Diplomacy, in partnership with the Regional Human Security Center and Rights and Democracy based in Montreal, Canada, will be running a regional workshop on "Rights, Pluralism and Human Security: Putting Ideas into Practice" on June 22-23, 2004. The workshop will be held at the Radisson SAS Hotel in Amman, Jordan. Further information from: Rawan Fadayel Bahou, Tel: 962 (6) 593 0253. E-mail: r-fadayel@id.gov.jo.


    DOCUMENTS

    Doha Declaration
    Participants in the Doha Conference on Democracy and Reform in the Arab World held this past June 3-4, comprising over 100 thinkers and political leaders from various Arab countries, have submitted the following declaration on the prospects for and obstacles to political change in the Arab world to its leaders and peoples:

    Democratic change has become a non-negotiable choice that cannot be postponed. It has become unacceptable to confiscate political and civic rights of the Arab people which under diverse pretexts have been delayed at a time when most of the peoples of the world including a number of Islamic countries have undergone important democratic changes. Experiences throughout the world in the recent decades have proven that politically free multi-party systems inclusive of political freedoms are not the sole monopoly of any given culture or civilization. Hence any excuses to resist or delay democratic change in our Arab countries are but poor excuses. Neither Arab culture nor the Islamic religion are in any form or shape contradictory to democratic practices and values. Two thirds of the 1.4 billion Muslims in the world today are already living under democratically elected governments.

    The more recent history of some of the Arab countries during the last quarter of the nineteenth century and the first half of the twentieth century proves the possibility of applying democratic practices quite successfully whenever the opportunity arises, notwithstanding the varying economic and cultural differences within these countries.

    Hiding behind the necessity to resolve the Palestinian question before implementing political reform is obstructive and unacceptable. Historical experiences have proven beyond doubt that liberation movements throughout the world and democratic reform movements which grant people their freedom of expression are the best way to liberate the land and the nation. Autocratic regimes are unable or unwilling to deal seriously with outside threats and hegemonic designs. There is ample evidence that these same regimes sometimes are ready to surrender their sovereignty to ensure their own survival. Democratic practice hence becomes the primary rule for peace between nations and an a priori condition for fulfilling true and real development. Democracies generally prefer peace and avoid aggression. Rarely do democratic countries go to war with one another.

    We observe for instance the former Iraqi regime that tyrannized its own people and ventured into irresponsible military forays which ultimately led to foreign occupation of their country. While demanding the continuation towards independence and democracy in Iraq by ending occupation and the creation of a legally elected government we denounce the terror that innocents are being exposed to in Iraq today.

    We the Arab advocates of democracy, who understand democracy to be empowerment of citizens to regularly elect those who would represent them in laying down laws to rule societies in total freedom coupled with the freedom of ownership of the media and the assurance of human rights. In a democracy the government and the laws guarantee individual rights and security as well as environmental protection in order to realize full development that serves its people and responds to their needs.

    1. We demand of all Arab regimes which do not have modern constitutions or basic laws to immediately facilitate their creation. The Arab nation has many constitutional experts. Other Islamic, African, Asian and Latin American countries enjoy democratic constitutions which can guide us and prove useful to us in formulation our constitutions. We demand of all the Arab regimes which do have constitutions to modify or amend their text in such a manner as to transform monarchies to constitutional monarchies where there will be a separation between hereditary monarchies and executive powers. The first is a symbol of the nation and the essence of its legitimacy and continuity. The second proposition would be for a head of government to be elected cyclically by the people and be required to undergo a peaceful transfer of power through direct popular elections or by parliamentary majority.

    2. We demand that the republican regimes that do have constitutions modify the specific terms governing the choice of president of the republic by implementing competitive direct elections and restricting the powers and privileges of the president of the republic and by creating new terms that clearly state the means of democratic monitoring and accountability of the head of state and the possibility of loss of confidence (impeachment) from any of his deputies or assistants. We also demand that constitutional monarchies organize and regulate the privileges of the rulers so as to bolster the role of the legislative and executive powers in decision making, and we recommend limited terms.

    3. We demand of all Arab regimes, be they monarchies or republics, that they take the initiative in abolishing emergency laws, special courts and national security courts in their archaic forms and return to natural laws and courts, and that they respect the rule of law and independent judiciary and apply expeditiously without exception or discrimination all court rulings.

    4. We ask all regimes to abolish all restrictive laws that obstruct freedoms for individuals, press and media, which give the right of monopoly and ownership to the state or the interference in their affairs and the manipulation of governmental apparatuses such as financing or granting special permissions or licensing and supplying them with advertising materials and interfering in their production and work. The judiciary alone has the right to audit and monitor freedom of expression on the one hand and on the other it also has the duty to protect the rights of the nation as well as its reputation amongst nations.

    5. We demand the abolition of all laws restricting citizens' rights, their rights to establish political parties, organizations, trade unions, professional associations and civil organizations. We demand the creation of new laws that grant full permission regarding the creation of associations: The exception to the rule would be the application of certain restrictions based on individual cases.

    6. We demand that the ruling regimes and the political parties abide by national charters which will be promulgated in each state and which clearly delineate the principles of political participation and respect for the rights of others including the right of transfer of power. We demand that regimes abide by majority rule in both spirit and text of the constitution. In addition, we demand that governments should not deprive any citizen from his/her civic and political rights on the basis of religion, sect, gender, ethnicity or language.

    7. We demand the armed forces of every Arab country desist of their own free will from interfering in politics and ensure that their main duty is to protect the national territory and to refrain from becoming an instrument in the hands of any ruler or regime to toy with the constitution and the rule of law. That said, armed forces should be akin to the judicial power in the service of their own nation and all citizens on an equal footing.

    8. We demand the participation of women in political life and also reiterate their pivotal role in the process of democratic change and ensure their representation at all levels of political action, within representative institutions including political party structures and civil society organizations.

    9. We demand that democratic forces and civil society organizations throughout the world, east and west, north and south, support the efforts of the Arab Advocates of Democracy (Ada) and press their governments not only to find expeditious and just solutions to the two pressing questions of Palestine and Iraq and the just rights of their people to liberty and independence. We call upon current Arab regimes to desist from hiding behind these two causes in order to postpone political reforms, making them an excuse to obstruct democratic change in Arab nations and in the Middle East.

    10. The participants recommend the creation of a practical instrument to monitor and follow up the recommendations and the initiatives of the valuable contributions that have been deliberated upon during the Conference on Democracy and Reform held in Doha, Qatar, as well as other Arab reform initiatives such as those of Sana, Alexandria, and Beirut and to ask the Centre of Gulf Studies in Qatar to become the coordinator of these initiatives with the concerned parties.

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